Glossary of Industry Terms & Supporting Information

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Capitalism: Capitalism is an economic and social system in which the means of production (also known as capital) are privately controlled; labor, goods and capital are traded in a market; profits are distributed to owners or invested in technologies and industries; and wages are paid to labor. However, since prior economic systems featured all these elements to some degree, capitalism might differentiate itself by the pervasiveness of wage labor in the interdependent social class context of nonlabor income derived from property not intended for the owner’s (or employer’s) active personal use.

Capitalism can be based on the premise of laissez faire, where private individuals and businesses may freely use means of production to make profits through the exchange goods and services without intervention from the State—hence the terms “unfettered capitalism” or “free market.”  The extent to which different markets are “free”, as well as the rules determining what may and may not be private property, is a matter of politics and policy and many states have what are termed “mixed economies.”  Mixed economies refer to capitalism being mixed with economic planning or statism, with some considering statism the ideological opposite of capitalism and others, such as anarcho-syndicalists, considering both, capitalism and statism ideologically similar and historically hard to discern.^[4] Scholars in the social sciences, including historians, economic sociologists, economists, anthropologists and philosophers have debated over how to define capitalism, however there is little controversy that private ownership of the means of production, creation of goods or services for profit in a market, and prices and wages are elements of capitalism.

Capitalism as a system developed incrementally from the 16th century in Europe, although capitalist organization existed in the ancient world, and early aspects of merchant capitalism flourished during the Late Middle Ages.  Capitalism became dominant in the Western world following the demise of feudalism.  Capitalism gradually spread throughout Europe, and in the 19th and 20th centuries, it provided the main means of industrialization throughout much of the world.

There is no consensus on capitalism nor how it should be used as an analytical category.  There are a variety of historical cases over which it is applied, varying in time, geography, politics and culture.  Economists, political economists and historians have taken different perspectives on the analysis of capitalism.

Economists usually put emphasis on the market mechanism, degree of government control over markets (laissez faire), and property rights, while most political economists emphasize private property, power relations, wage labor, and class. There is a general agreement that capitalism encourages economic growth.

Etymology and early usage

Capital evolved from Capitale, a late Latin word based on proto-Indo-European kaput, meaning “head”—also the origin of chattel and cattle in the sense of movable property (only much later to refer only to livestock). Capitale emerged in the 12th to 13th centuries in the sense of funds, stock of merchandise, sum of money, or money carrying interest. By 1283 it was used in the sense of the capital assets of a trading firm. It was frequently interchanged with a number of other words—wealth, money, funds, goods, principal, assets, property, patrimony.

The term capitalist refers to an owner of capital rather than an economic system, but shows earlier recorded use than the term capitalism, dating back to the mid-seventeenth century. The Hollandische Mercurius uses it in 1633 and 1654 to refer to owners of capital. Arthur Young was one of first to use capitalistin his work Travels in France (1792). David Ricardo, in his Principles of Political Economy and Taxation (1817), referred to “the capitalist” many times. Samuel Taylor Coleridge, an English poet, used capitalist in his work Table Talk (1823). Pierre-Joseph Proudhon used the term capitalist in his first work, What is Property? (1840) to refer to the owners of capital. Benjamin Disraeli used the term capitalist in his 1845 work Sybil.  Karl Marx andFriedrich Engels used the term capitalist (Kapitalist) in The Communist Manifesto (1848) to refer to a private owner of capital.

The term capitalism appeared in 1753 in the Encyclopédia, with the narrow meaning of “The state of one who is rich”.  However, according to the Oxford English Dictionary (OED), the term capitalism was first used by novelist William Makepeace Thackeray in 1854, by which he meant having ownership of capital.  Also according to the OED, Carl Adolph Douai, a German-American socialist and abolitionist, used the term private capitalism in 1863.

The initial usage of the term capitalism in its modern sense has been attributed to Louis Blanc in 1850 and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in 1861. Marx and Engels referred to the capitalistic system (kapitalistisches System) and to the capitalist mode of production (kapitalistische Produktionsform) in Das Kapital (1867). The use of the word “capitalism” in reference to an economic system appears twice in Volume I of Das Kapital, p. 124 (German edition), and in Theories of Surplus Value, tome II, p. 493 (German edition). Marx did not extensively use the term.

Marx’s notion of the capitalist mode of production is characterised as a system of primarily private ownership of the means of production in a mainly market economy, with a legal framework on commerce and a physical infrastructure provided by the state.  Engels made more frequent use of the term capitalism; volumes II and III of Das Kapital, both edited by Engels after Marx’s death, contain the word “capitalism” four and three times, respectively. The three combined volumes of Das Kapital (1867, 1885, 1894) contain the word capitalist more than 2,600 times.

An 1877 work entitled Better Times by Hugh Gabutt and an 1884 article in the Pall Mall Gazette also used the term capitalism.  A later use of the term capitalism to describe the production system was by theGerman economist Werner Sombart, in his 1902 book The Jews and Modern Capitalism (Die Juden und das Wirtschaftsleben). Sombart’s close friend and colleague, Max Weber, also used capitalism in his1904 book The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (Die protestantische Ethik und der Geist des Kapitalismus).

History

Main article: History of capitalism

Greco-Roman capitalism

The origins of modern momsand markets can be traced back to the Roman Empire , which re-emerged later in its Muslim form when early Syrian Muslims, known as Umayyad, triumphed.

Islamic capitalism

Main article: Islamic capitalism

The origins of capitalism and free markets can be traced back to the Islamic Golden Age and Muslim Agricultural Revolution, where the first market economy and earliest forms of merchant capitalism took root between the 8th–12th centuries, which some refer to as “Islamic capitalism”.  A vigorous monetary economy was created by Muslims on the basis of the expanding levels of circulation of a stable high-value currency (the dinar) and the integration of monetary areas that were previously independent. Innovative new business techniques and forms of business organization were introduced by economists, merchants and traders during this time. Such innovations included the earliest trading companies, big businesses, contracts, bills of exchange, long-distance international trade, the first forms of partnership (mufawada) such as limited partnerships (mudaraba), and the earliest forms of credit, debt, profit, loss, capital (al-mal), capital accumulation (nama al-mal), circulating capital, capital expenditure, revenue, cheques, promissory notes, trusts (see Waqf), startup companies, savings accounts, transactional accounts, pawning, loaning, exchange rates, bankers, money changers, ledgers, deposits, assignments, the double-entry bookkeeping system, and lawsuits. Organizational enterprises similar to corporations independent from the state also existed in the medieval Islamic world, while the agency institution was also introduced.  Many of these early capitalist concepts were adopted and further advanced in medieval Europe from the 13th century onwards.

The systems of contract relied upon by merchants was very effective. Merchants would buy and sell on commission, with money loaned to them by wealthy investors, or a joint investment of several merchants, who were often Muslim, Christian and Jewish. Recently, a collection of documents was found in an Egyptian synagogue shedding a very detailed and human light on the life of medieval Middle Eastern merchants. Business partnerships would be made for many commercial ventures, and bonds of kinship enabled trade networks to form over huge distances. Networks developed during this time enabled a world in which money could be promised by a bank in Baghdad and cashed in Spain, creating the cheque system of today.  Each time items passed through the cities along this extraordinary network, the city imposed a tax, resulting in high prices once reaching the final destination. These innovations made by Muslims and Jews laid the foundations for the modern economic system.

Mercantilism

The period between the 16th and 18th centuries is commonly described as mercantilism.  This period was associated with geographic discoveries by merchant overseas traders, especially from England and the Low Countries; the European colonization of the Americas; and the rapid growth in overseas trade. Mercantilism was a system of trade for profit, although commodities were still largely produced by non-capitalist production methods.  While some scholars see mercantilism as the earliest stage of modern capitalism, others argue that modern capitalism did not emerge until later. For example, Karl Polanyi, noted that “mercantilism, with all its tendency toward commercialization, never attacked the safeguards which protected [the] two basic elements of production – labor and land – from becoming the elements of commerce”; thus mercantilist attitudes towards economic regulation were closer to feudalist attitudes, “they disagreed only on the methods of regulation.” Moreover Polanyi argued that the hallmark of capitalism is the establishment of generalized markets for what he referred to as the “fictitious commodities”: land, labor, and money. Accordingly, “not until 1834 was a competitive labor market established in England, hence industrial capitalism as a social system cannot be said to have existed before that date.”

The earliest forms of mercantilism date back to the Roman Empire. When the Roman Empire expanded, the mercantilist economy expanded throughout Europe. After the collapse of the Roman Empire, most of the European economy became controlled by local feudal powers, and mercantilism collapsed there. However, mercantilism persisted in Arabia. Due to its proximity to neighboring countries, the Arabs established trade routes to Egypt, Persia, and Byzantium. As Islam spread in the 7th century, mercantilism spread rapidly to Spain, Portugal, Northern Africa, and Asia. Mercantilism finally revived in Europe in the 14th century, as mercantilism spread from Spain and Portugal.

Among the major tenets of mercantilist theory was bullionism, a doctrine stressing the importance of accumulating precious metals. Mercantilists argued that a state should export more goods than it imported so that foreigners would have to pay the difference in precious metals. Mercantilists asserted that only raw materials that could not be extracted at home should be imported; and promoted government subsides, such as the granting of monopolies and protective tariffs, were necessary to encourage home production of manufactured goods. European merchants, backed by state controls, subsidies, and monopolies, made most of their profits from the buying and selling of goods. In the words of Francis Bacon, the purpose of mercantilism was “the opening and well-balancing of trade; the cherishing of manufacturers; the banishing of idleness; the repressing of waste and excess by sumptuary laws; the improvement and husbanding of the soil; the regulation of prices…”  Similar practices of economic regimentation had begun earlier in the medieval towns. However, under mercantilism, given the contemporaneous rise of the absolutism, the state superseded the local guilds as the regulator of the economy. During that time the guilds essentially functioned like cartels that monopolized the quantity of craftsmen to earn above-market wages.

At the period from the 18th century, the commercial stage of capitalism originated from the start of the British East India Company and the Dutch East India Company.  These companies were characterized by their colonial and expansionary powers given to them by nation-states.  During this era, merchants, who had traded under the previous stage of mercantilism, invested capital in the East India Companies and other colonies, seeking a return on investment. In his “History of Economic Analysis”, Austrian economist Joseph Schumpeter reduced mercantilist propositions to three main concerns: exchange controls, export monopolism and balance of trade.

Industrialism

See also: Industrial Revolution

[[File:london.bankofengland.arp.jpg|thumb|The Bank of England is one of the oldest [[mom. It was founded in 1694 and nationalized in 1946.]] A new group of economic theorists, led by David Hume and Adam Smith, in the mid 18th century, challenged fundamental mercantilist doctrines as the belief that the amount of the world’s wealth remained constant and that a state could only increase its wealth at the expense of another state.

During the Industrial Revolution, the industrialist replaced the merchant as a dominant actor in the capitalist system and effected the decline of the traditional handicraft skills of artisans, guilds, and journeymen. Also during this period, the surplus generated by the rise of commercial agriculture encouraged increased mechanization of agriculture. Industrial capitalism marked the development of the factory system of manufacturing, characterized by a complex division of labor between and within work process and the reutilization of work tasks; and finally established the global domination of the capitalist mode of production.

Britain also abandoned its protectionist policy, as embraced by mercantilism. In the 19th century, Richard Cobden and John Bright, who based their beliefs on the Manchester School, initiated a movement to lower tariffs.  In the 1840s, Britain adopted a less protectionist policy, with the repeal of the Corn Laws and the Navigation Acts.  Britain reduced tariffs and quotas, in line with Adam Smith and David Ricardo‘s advocacy for free trade. Karl Polanyi argued that capitalism did not emerge until the progressive commodification of land, money, and labor culminating in the establishment of a generalized labor market in Britain in the 1830s. For Polanyi, “the extension of the market to the elements of industry – land, labor and money – was the inevitable consequence of the introduction of the factory system in a commercial society.”   Other sources argued that mercantilism fell after the repeal of the Navigation Acts in 1849..

Monopolism

See also: Gilded Age and Progressive Era

In the late 19th century, the control and direction of large areas of industry came into the hands of trusts, financiers and holding companies. This period was dominated by an increasing number of oligopolistic firms earning supernormal profits.  Major characteristics of capitalism in this period included the establishment of large industrial cartels or monopolies; the ownership and management of industry by financiers divorced from the production process; and the development of a complex system of banking, an equity market, and corporate holdings of capital through stock ownership. The petroleum, telecommunication,railroad, shipping, banking and financial industries are characterized by its monopolistic domination. Inside these corporations, a division of labor separates shareholders, owners, managers, and actual laborers.

By the last quarter of the 19th century, the emergence of large industrial trusts had provoked legislation in the US to reduce the monopolistic tendencies of the period. Gradually, during this Progressive Era, the US government played a larger and larger role in passing antitrust laws and regulation of industrial standards for key industries of special public concern. By the end of the 19th century, economic depressions and boom and bust business cycles had become a recurring problem. In particular, the Long Depression of the 1870s and 1880s and the Great Depression of the 1930s affected almost the entire capitalist world, and generated discussion about capitalism’s long-term survival prospects. During the 1930s, Marxist commentators often posited the possibility of capitalism’s decline or demise, often in contrast to the ability of the Soviet Union to avoid suffering the effects of the global depression.

Keynesianism and neoliberalism

Main articles: Keynesianism and Neoliberalism

In the period following the global depression of the 1930s, the state played an increasingly prominent role in the capitalistic system throughout much of the world.

After World War II, a broad array of new analytical tools in the social sciences were developed to explain the social and economic trends of the period, including the concepts of post-industrial society and the welfare state.  This era was greatly influenced by Keynesian economic stabilization policies. The postwar boom ended in the late 1960s and early 1970s, and the situation was worsened by the rise of stagflation.  Exceptionally high inflation combined with slow output growth, rising unemployment, and eventually recession to cause a loss of credibility in the Keynesian welfare-statist mode of regulation. Under the influence of Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman, Western states embraced policy prescriptions inspired by laissez-faire capitalism and classical liberalism. In particular, monetarism, a theoretical alternative to Keynesianism that is more compatible with laissez-faire, gained increasing prominence in the capitalist world, especially under the leadership of Ronald Reagan in the US and Margaret Thatcher in the UK in the 1980s. Finally, the general public’s interest was shifted from the collectivist concerns of Keynes’s managed capitalism to a focus on individual freedom and choice, called “remarketized capitalism.”   In the eyes of many economic and political commentators, the collapse of the Soviet Union supposedly brought further evidence of the superiority of market capitalism over communism.

Globalization

Main article: Globalization

Although international trade has been associated with the development of capitalism for over five hundred years, some thinkers argue that a number of trends associated with globalization have acted to increase the mobility of people and capital since the last quarter of the 20th century, combining to circumscribe the room to maneuver of states in choosing non-capitalist models of development. Today, these trends have bolstered the argument that capitalism should now be viewed as a truly world system.  However, other thinkers argue that globalization, even in its quantitative degree, is no greater now than during earlier periods of capitalist trade.

Perspectives

Classical political economy

Main articles: Classical economics and Classical liberalism

The classical school economic thought emerged in Britain in the late 18th century. The classical political economists Adam Smith, David Ricardo, Jean-Baptiste Say, and John Stuart Mill published analyses of the production, distribution and exchange of goods in a market that have since formed the basis of study for most contemporary economists.

In France, ‘Physiocrats’ like François Quesnay promoted free trade based on a conception that wealth originated from land. Quesnay’s Tableau Économique (1759), described the economy analytically and laid the foundation of the Physiocrats’ economic theory, followed by Anne Robert Jacques Turgot who opposed tariffs and customs duties and advocated free trade. Richard Cantillon defined long-run equilibrium as the balance of flows of income, and argued that the supply and demand mechanism around land influenced short-term prices.

Adam Smith’s attack on mercantilism and his reasoning for “the system of natural liberty” in The Wealth of Nations (1776) are usually taken as the beginning of classical political economy. Smith devised a set of concepts that remain strongly associated with capitalism today, particularly his theory of the “invisible hand” of the market, through which the pursuit of individual self-interest unintentionally produces a collective good for society. It was necessary for Smith to be so forceful in his argument in favor of free markets because he had to overcome the popular mercantilist sentiment of the time period.  He criticized monopolies, tariffs, duties, and other state enforced restrictions of his time and believed that the market is the most fair and efficient arbitrator of resources. This view was shared by David Ricardo, second most important of the classical political economists and one of the most influential economists of modern times.  In The Principles of Political Economy and Taxation (1817), he developed the law of comparative advantage, which explains why it is profitable for two parties to trade, even if one of the trading partners is more efficient in every type of economic production. This principle supports the economic case for free trade. Ricardo was a supporter of Say’s Law and held the view that full employment is the normal equilibrium for a competitive economy.  He also argued that inflation is closely related to changes in quantity of money and credit and was a proponent of the law of diminishing returns, which states that each additional unit of input yields less and less additional output.

The values of classical political economy are strongly associated with the classical liberal doctrine of minimal government intervention in the economy, though it does not necessarily oppose the state’s provision of a few basic public goods.  Classical liberal thought has generally assumed a clear division between the economy and other realms of social activity, such as the state.

While economic liberalism favors markets unfettered by the government, it maintains that the state has a legitimate role in providing public goods.  For instance, Adam Smith argued that the state has a role in providing roads, canals, schools and bridges that cannot be efficiently implemented by private entities. However, he preferred that these goods should be paid proportionally to their consumption (e.g. putting atoll). In addition, he advocated retaliatory tariffs to bring about free trade, and copyrights and patents to encourage innovation.

Marxian political economy

Main article: Marxian economics

Karl Marx considered capitalism to be a historically specific mode of production (the way in which the productive property is owned and controlled, combined with the corresponding social relations between individuals based on their connection with the process of production) in which capitalism has become the dominant mode of production.  The capitalist stage of development or “bourgeois society,” for Marx, represented the most advanced form of social organization to date, but he also thought that the working classes would come to power in a worldwide socialist or communist transformation of human society as the end of the series of first aristocratic, then capitalist, and finally working class rule was reached.

Following Adam Smith, Marx distinguished the use value of commodities from their exchange value in the market. Capital, according to Marx, is created with the purchase of commodities for the purpose of creating new commodities with an exchange value higher than the sum of the original purchases. For Marx, the use of labor power had itself become a commodity under capitalism; the exchange value of labor power, as reflected in the wage, is less than the value it produces for the capitalist. This difference in values, he argues, constitutes surplus value, which the capitalists extract and accumulate. In his book Capital, Marx argues that the capitalist mode of production is distinguished by how the owners of capital extract this surplus from workers—all prior class societies had extracted surplus labor, but capitalism was new in doing so via the sale-value of produced commodities.  He argues that a core requirement of a capitalist society is that a large portion of the population must not possess sources of self-sustenance that would allow them to be independent, and must instead be compelled, in order to survive, to sell their labor for a living wage.  In conjunction with his criticism of capitalism was Marx’s belief that exploited labor would be the driving force behind a revolution to a socialist-style economy.  For Marx, this cycle of the extraction of the surplus value by the owners of capital or the bourgeoisie becomes the basis of class struggle. This argument is intertwined with Marx’s version of the labor theory of value asserting that labor is the source of all value, and thus of profit.

Vladimir Lenin, in Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (1916), modified classic Marxist theory and argued that capitalism necessarily induced monopoly capitalism – which he also called “imperialism” – in order to find new markets and resources, representing the last and highest stage of capitalism.  Some 20th century Marxian economists consider capitalism to be a social formation where capitalist class processes dominate, but are not exclusive.  Capitalist class processes, to these thinkers, are simply those in which surplus labor takes the form of surplus value, usable as capital; other tendencies for utilization of labor nonetheless exist simultaneously in existing societies where capitalist processes are predominant. However, other late Marxian thinkers argue that a social formation as a whole may be classed as capitalist if capitalism is the mode by which a surplus is extracted, even if this surplus is not produced by capitalist activity, as when an absolute majority of the population is engaged in non-capitalist economic activity.

Weberian political sociology

In some social sciences, the understanding of the defining characteristics of capitalism has been strongly influenced by 19th century German social theorist Max Weber. Weber considered market exchange, rather than production, as the defining feature of capitalism; capitalist enterprises, in contrast to their counterparts in prior modes of economic activity, was their rationalization of production, directed toward maximizing efficiency and productivity. According to Weber, workers in pre-capitalist economic institutions understood work in terms of a personal relationship between master and journeyman in a guild, or between lord and peasant in a manor.

In his book The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1904-1905), Weber sought to trace how a particular form of religious spirit, infused into traditional modes of economic activity, was a condition of possibility of modern western capitalism. For Weber, the ‘spirit of capitalism’ was, in general, that of ascetic Protestantism; this ideology was able to motivate extreme rationalization of daily life, a propensity to accumulate capital by a religious ethic to advance economically, and thus also the propensity to reinvest capital: this was sufficient, then, to create “self-mediating capital” as conceived by Marx. This is pictured in Proverbs 22:29, “Seest thou a man diligent in his calling? He shall stand before kings” and in Colossians 3:23, “Whatever you do, do your work heartily, as for the Lord rather than for men.” In the Protestant Ethic, Weber further stated that “moneymaking – provided it is done legally – is, within the modern economic order, the result and the expression of diligence in one’s calling…” And, “If God show you a way in which you may lawfully get more than in another way (without wrong to your soul or to any other), if you refuse this, and choose the less gainful way, you cross one of the ends of your calling, and you refuse to be God’s steward, and to accept His gifts and use them for him when He requierth it: you may labour to be rich for God, though not for the flesh and sin” (p. 108).

Western Capitalism, was, most generally for Weber, the “rational organization of formally free labor.” The idea of the “formally free” laborer, meant, in the double sense of Marx, that the laborer was both free to own property, and free of the ability to reproduce his labor power, i.e., was the victim of expropriation of his means of production. It is only on these conditions, still abundantly obvious in the modern world of Weber, that western capitalism is able to exist.

For Weber, modern western capitalism represented the order “now bound to the technical and economic conditions of machine production which to-day determine the lives of all the individuals who are born into this mechanism, not only those directly concerned with economic acquisition, with irresistible force. Perhaps it will so determine them until the last ton of fossilized coal is burnt” (p. 123).  This is further seen in his criticism of “specialists without spirit, hedonists without a heart” that were developing, in his opinion, with the fading of the original Puritan “spirit” associated with capitalism.

Institutional economics

Main article: Institutional economics

Institutional economics, once the main school of economic thought in the United States, holds that capitalism cannot be separated from the political and social system within which it is embedded. It emphasizes the legal foundations of capitalism (see John R. Commons) and the evolutionary, habituated, and volitional processes by which institutions are erected and then changed (see John Dewey, Thorstein Veblen, and Daniel Bromley.)

One key figure in institutional economics was Thorstein Veblen who in his book The Theory of the Leisure Class (1899) analyzed the motivations of wealthy people in capitalism who conspicuously consumed their riches as a way of demonstrating success. The concept of conspicuous consumption was in direct contradiction to the neoclassical view that capitalism was efficient. In The Theory of Business Enterprise (1904) Veblen distinguished the motivations of industrial production for people to use things from business motivations that used, or misused, industrial infrastructure for profit, arguing that the former is often hindered because businesses pursue the latter. Output and technological advance are restricted by business practices and the creation of monopolies. Businesses protect their existing capital investments and employ excessive credit, leading to depressions and increasing military expenditure and war through business control of political power.

German Historical School and Austrian School

Main articles: Historical school of economics and Austrian School

From the perspective of the German Historical School, capitalism is primarily identified in terms of the organization of production for markets. Although this perspective shares similar theoretical roots with that of Weber, its emphasis on markets and money lends it different focus.  For followers of the German Historical School, the key shift from traditional modes of economic activity to capitalism involved the shift from medieval restrictions on credit and money to the modern monetary economy combined with an emphasis on the profit motive.

In the late 19th century, the German Historical School of economics diverged, with the emerging Austrian School of economics, led at the time by Carl Menger. Later generations of followers of the Austrian School continued to be influential in Western economic thought through much of the 20th century. The Austrian economist Joseph Schumpeter, a forerunner of the Austrian School of economics, emphasized the “creative destruction” of capitalism—the fact that market economies undergo constant change. At any moment of time, posits Schumpeter, there are rising industries and declining industries. Schumpeter, and many contemporary economists influenced by his work, argue that resources should flow from the declining to the expanding industries for an economy to grow, but they recognized that sometimes resources are slow to withdraw from the declining industries because of various forms of institutional resistance to change.

The Austrian economists Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich Hayek were among the leading defenders of market capitalism against 20th century proponents of socialist planned economies.  Mises and Hayek argued that only market capitalism could manage a complex, modern economy. Since a modern economy produces such a large array of distinct goods and services, and consists of such a large array of consumers and enterprises, asserted Mises and Hayek, the information problems facing any other form of economic organization other than market capitalism would exceed its capacity to handle information. Thinkers within Supply-side economics built on the work of the Austrian School, and particularly emphasize Say’s Law: “supply creates its own demand.” Capitalism, to this school, is defined by lack of state restraint on the decisions of producers.

Austrian economists claim that Marx failed to make the distinction between capitalism and mercantilism.  They argue that Marx conflated the imperialistic, colonialistic, protectionist and interventionistdoctrines of mercantilism with capitalism.

Austrian economics has been a major influence on some forms of libertarianism, in which laissez-faire capitalism is considered to be the ideal economic system.  It influenced economists and political philosophers and theorists including Henry Hazlitt, Hans-Hermann Hoppe, Israel Kirzner, Murray Rothbard, Walter Block and Richard M. Ebeling.

Keynesian economics

Main article: Keynesian economics

In his 1937 The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money, the British economist John Maynard Keynes argued that capitalism suffered a basic problem in its ability to recover from periods of slowdowns in investment. Keynes argued that a capitalist economy could remain in an indefinite equilibrium despite high unemployment. Essentially rejecting Say’s law, he argued that some people may have a liquidity preference which would see them rather hold money than buy new goods or services, which therefore raised the prospect that the Great Depression would not end without what he termed in the General Theory “a somewhat comprehensive socialization of investment.”

Keynesian economics challenged the notion that laissez-faire capitalist economics could operate well on their own, without state intervention used to promote aggregate demand, fighting high unemployment and deflation of the sort seen during the 1930s. He and his followers recommended “pump-priming” the economy to avoid recession: cutting taxes, increasing government borrowing, and spending during an economic down-turn. This was to be accompanied by trying to control wages nationally partly through the use of inflation to cut real wages and to deter people from holding money.  John Maynard Keynes tried to provide solutions to many of Marx’s problems without completely abandoning the classical understanding of capitalism. His work attempted to show that regulation can be effective, and that economic stabilizers can reign in the aggressive expansions and recessions that Marx disliked. These changes sought to create more stability in the business cycle, and reduce the abuses of laborers. Keynesian economists argue that Keynesian policies were one of the primary reasons capitalism was able to recover following the Great Depression.  The premises of Keynes’s work have, however, since been challenged by neoclassical and supply-side economics and the Austrian School.

Another challenge to Keynesian thinking came from his colleague Piero Sraffa, and subsequently from the Neo-Ricardian school that followed Sraffa. In Sraffa’s highly technical analysis, capitalism is defined by an entire system of social relations among both producers and consumers, but with a primary emphasis on the demands of production. According to Sraffa, the tendency of capital to seek its highest rate of profit causes a dynamic instability in social and economic relations.

Neoclassical economics and the Chicago School

Main article: Neoclassical economics

Today, the majority academic research on capitalism in the English-speaking world draws on neoclassical economic thought. It favors extensive market coordination and relatively neutral patterns of governmental market regulation aimed at maintaining property rights; deregulated labor markets; corporate governance dominated by financial owners of firms; and financial systems depending chiefly on capital market-based financing rather than state financing.

Milton Friedman took many of the basic principles set forth by Adam Smith and the classical economists and gave them a new twist. One example of this is his article in the September 1970 issue of The New York Times Magazine, where he claims that the social responsibility of business is “to use its resources and engage in activities designed to increase its profits…(through) open and free competition without deception or fraud.” This is similar to Smith’s argument that self-interest in turn benefits the whole of society.  Work like this helped lay the foundations for the coming marketization (or privatization) of state enterprises and the supply-side economics of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher.

The Chicago School of economics is best known for its free market advocacy and monetarist ideas. According to Friedman and other monetarists, market economies are inherently stable if left to themselves and depressions result only from government intervention. Friedman, for example, argued that the Great Depression was result of a contraction of the money supply, controlled by the Federal Reserve, and not by the lack of investment as John Maynard Keynes had argued. Ben Bernanke, current Chairman of the Federal Reserve, is among the economists today generally accepting Friedman’s analysis of the causes of the Great Depression.

Neoclassical economists, today the majority of economists, consider value to be subjective, varying from person to person and for the same person at different times, and thus reject the labor theory of value. Marginalism is the theory that economic value results from marginal utility and marginal cost (the marginal concepts). These economists see capitalists as earning profits by forgoing current consumption, by taking risks, and by organizing production.

Capital asset pricing model (CAPM): In finance, the capital asset pricing model (CAPM) is used to determine a theoretically appropriate required rate of return of an asset, if that asset is to be added to an already well-diversified portfolio, given that asset’s non-diversifiable risk. The model takes into account the asset’s sensitivity to non-diversifiable risk (also known as systematic risk or market risk), often represented by the quantity beta (?) in the financial industry, as well as the expected return of the market and the expected return of a theoretical risk-free asset.

The model was introduced by Jack Treynor (1961, 1962),^[1] William Sharpe (1964), John Lintner (1965a,b) and Jan Mossin (1966) independently, building on the earlier work of Harry Markowitz on diversification and modern portfolio theory. Sharpe, Markowitz and Merton Miller jointly received the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics for this contribution to the field of financial economics.

The formula

The CAPM is a model for pricing an individual security or a portfolio. For individual securities, we make use of the security market line (SML) and its relation to expected return and systematic risk (beta) to show how the market must price individual securities in relation to their security risk class. The SML enables us to calculate the reward-to-risk ratio for any security in relation to that of the overall market. Therefore, when the expected rate of return for any security is deflated by its beta coefficient, the reward-to-risk ratio for any individual security in the market is equal to the market reward-to-risk ratio, thus:

The market reward-to-risk ratio is effectively the market risk premium and by rearranging the above equation and solving for E(Ri), we obtain the Capital Asset Pricing Model (CAPM).

where:

• is the expected excess return on the capital asset
• is the risk-free rate of interest such as interest arising from government bonds
• (the beta coefficient) is the sensitivity of the expected excess asset returns to the expected excess market returns, or also ,
• is the expected excess return of the market
• is sometimes known as the market premium or risk premium (the difference between the expected market rate of return and the risk-free rate of return).

Restated, in terms of risk premium, we find that:

which states that the individual risk premium equals the market premium times ?.

Note 1: the expected market rate of return is usually estimated by measuring the Geometric Average of the historical returns on a market portfolio (i.e. S&P 500).

Note 2: the risk free rate of return used for determining the risk premium is usually the arithmetic average of historical risk free rates of return and not the current risk free rate of return.

For the full derivation see Modern portfolio theory.

Asset pricing

Once the expected/required rate of return, E(R_i), is calculated using CAPM, we can compare this required rate of return to the asset’s estimated rate of return over a specific investment horizon to determine whether it would be an appropriate investment. To make this comparison, you need an independent estimate of the return outlook for the security based on either fundamental or technical analysis techniques, including P/E, M/B etc.
In theory, therefore, an asset is correctly priced when its estimated price is the same as the required rate of return calculated using the CAPM. If the estimate price is higher than the CAPM valuation, then the asset is underervalued (and overvalued when the estimated price is below the CAPM valuation).

Asset-specific required return

The CAPM returns the asset-appropriate required return or discount rate – i.e. the rate at which future cash flows produced by the asset should be discounted given that asset’s relative riskiness. Betas exceeding one signify more than average “riskiness”; betas below one indicate lower than average. Thus a more risky stock will have a higher beta and will be discounted at a higher rate; less sensitive stocks will have lower betas and be discounted at a lower rate. Given the accepted concave utility function, the CAPM is consistent with intuition – investors (should) require a higher return for holding a more risky asset.

Since beta reflects asset-specific sensitivity to non-diversifiable, i.e. market risk, the market as a whole, by definition, has a beta of one. Stock market indices are frequently used as local proxies for the market – and in that case (by definition) have a beta of one. An investor in a large, diversified portfolio (such as a mutual fund) therefore expects performance in line with the market.

Risk and diversification

The risk of a portfolio comprises systematic risk, also known as undiversifiable risk, and unsystematic risk which is also known as idiosyncratic risk or diversifiable risk. Systematic risk refers to the risk common to all securities – i.e. market risk. Unsystematic risk is the risk associated with individual assets. Unsystematic risk can be diversified away to smaller levels by including a greater number of assets in the portfolio (specific risks “average out”). The same is not possible for systematic risk within one market. Depending on the market, a portfolio of approximately 30-40 securities in developed markets such as UK or US will render the portfolio sufficiently diversified such that risk exposure is limited to systematic risk only. In developing markets a larger number is required, due to the higher asset volatilities.

A rational investor should not take on any diversifiable risk, as only non-diversifiable risks are rewarded within the scope of this model. Therefore, the required return on an asset, that is, the return that compensates for risk taken, must be linked to its riskiness in a portfolio context – i.e. its contribution to overall portfolio riskiness – as opposed to its “stand alone riskiness.” In the CAPM context, portfolio risk is represented by higher variance i.e. less predictability. In other words the beta of the portfolio is the defining factor in rewarding the systematic exposure taken by an investor.

The efficient frontier

Main article: Efficient frontier

The CAPM assumes that the risk-return profile of a portfolio can be optimized – an optimal portfolio displays the lowest possible level of risk for its level of return. Additionally, since each additional asset introduced into a portfolio further diversifies the portfolio, the optimal portfolio must comprise every asset, (assuming no trading costs) with each asset value-weighted to achieve the above (assuming that any asset is infinitely divisible). All such optimal portfolios, i.e., one for each level of return, comprise the efficient frontier.

Because the unsystematic risk is diversifiable, the total risk of a portfolio can be viewed as beta.

The market portfolio

An investor might choose to invest a proportion of his or her wealth in a portfolio of risky assets with the remainder in cash – earning interest at the risk free rate (or indeed may borrow money to fund his or her purchase of risky assets in which case there is a negative cash weighting). Here, the ratio of risky assets to risk free asset does not determine overall return – this relationship is clearly linear. It is thus possible to achieve a particular return in one of two ways:

1. By investing all of one’s wealth in a risky portfolio,
2. or by investing a proportion in a risky portfolio and the remainder in cash (either borrowed or invested).

For a given level of return, however, only one of these portfolios will be optimal (in the sense of lowest risk). Since the risk free asset is, by definition, uncorrelated with any other asset, option 2 will generally have the lower variance and hence be the more efficient of the two.

This relationship also holds for portfolios along the efficient frontier: a higher return portfolio plus cash is more efficient than a lower return portfolio alone for that lower level of return. For a given risk free rate, there is only one optimal portfolio which can be combined with cash to achieve the lowest level of risk for any possible return. This is the market portfolio.

Assumptions of CAPM

All investors:

1. Aim to maximize economic utility.
2. Are rational and risk-averse.
3. Are price takers, i.e., they cannot influence prices.
4. Can lend and borrow unlimited under the risk free rate of interest.
5. Trade without transaction or taxation costs.
6. Deal with securities that are all highly divisible into small parcels.
7. Assume all information is at the same time available to all investors.

Shortcomings of CAPM

• The model assumes that asset returns are (jointly) normally distributed random variables. It is however frequently observed that returns in equity and other markets are not normally distributed. As a result, large swings (3 to 6 standard deviations from the mean) occur in the market more frequently than the normal distribution assumption would expect.
• The model assumes that the variance of returns is an adequate measurement of risk. This might be justified under the assumption of normally distributed returns, but for general return distributions other risk measures (like coherent risk measures) will likely reflect the investors’ preferences more adequately. Indeed risk in financial investments is not variance in itself, rather it is the probability of losing: it is asymmetric in nature.
• The model assumes that all investors have access to the same information and agree about the risk and expected return of all assets (homogeneous expectations assumption).
• The model assumes that the probability beliefs of investors match the true distribution of returns. A different possibility is that investors’ expectations are biased, causing market prices to be informationally inefficient. This possibility is studied in the field of behavioral finance, which uses psychological assumptions to provide alternatives to the CAPM such as the overconfidence-based asset pricing model of Kent Daniel, David Hirshleifer, and Avanidhar Subrahmanyam (2001).
• The model does not appear to adequately explain the variation in stock returns. Empirical studies show that low beta stocks may offer higher returns than the model would predict. Some data to this effect was presented as early as a 1969 conference in Buffalo, New York in a paper by Fischer Black, Michael Jensen, and Myron Scholes. Either that fact is itself rational (which saves the efficient-market hypothesis but makes CAPM wrong), or it is irrational (which saves CAPM, but makes the EMH wrong – indeed, this possibility makes volatility arbitrage a strategy for reliably beating the market).
• The model assumes that given a certain expected return investors will prefer lower risk (lower variance) to higher risk and conversely given a certain level of risk will prefer higher returns to lower ones. It does not allow for investors who will accept lower returns for higher risk. Casino gamblers clearly pay for risk, and it is possible that some stock traders will pay for risk as well.
• The model assumes that there are no taxes or transaction costs, although this assumption may be relaxed with more complicated versions of the model.
• The market portfolio consists of all assets in all markets, where each asset is weighted by its market capitalization. This assumes no preference between markets and assets for individual investors, and that investors choose assets solely as a function of their risk-return profile. It also assumes that all assets are infinitely divisible as to the amount which may be held or transacted.
• The market portfolio should in theory include all types of assets that are held by anyone as an investment (including works of art, real estate, human capital…) In practice, such a market portfolio is unobservable and people usually substitute a stock index as a proxy for the true market portfolio. Unfortunately, it has been shown that this substitution is not innocuous and can lead to false inferences as to the validity of the CAPM, and it has been said that due to the inobservability of the true market portfolio, the CAPM might not be empirically testable. This was presented in greater depth in a paper by Richard Roll in 1977, and is generally referred to as Roll’s critique.
• The model assumes just two dates, so that there is no opportunity to consume and rebalance portfolios repeatedly over time. The basic insights of the model are extended and generalized in the intertemporal CAPM (ICAPM) of Robert Merton, and the consumption CAPM (CCAPM) of Douglas Breeden and Mark Rubinstein.
• CAPM assumes that all investors will consider all of their assets and optimize one portfolio. This is in sharp contradiction with portfolios that are held by investors: humans tend to have fragmented portfolios (or rather multiple portfolios: for each goal one portfolio – see behavioural portfolio theory and Maslowian Portfolio Theory.

Cash flow: Cash flow refers to the movement of cash into or out of a business, a project, or a financial product. It is usually measured during a specified, finite period of time. Measurement of cash flow can be used

• to determine a project’s rate of return or value. The time of cash flows into and out of projects are used as inputs in financial models such as internal rate of return, and net present value.
• to determine problems with a business’s liquidity. Being profitable does not necessarily mean being liquid. A company can fail because of a shortage of cash, even while profitable.
• as an alternate measure of a business’s profits when it is believed that accrual accounting concepts do not represent economic realities. For example, a company may be notionally profitable but generating little operational cash (as may be the case for a company that barters its products rather than selling for cash). In such a case, the company may be deriving additional operating cash by issuing shares, or raising additional debt finance.
• cash flow can be used to evaluate the ‘quality’ of Income generated by accrual accounting. When Net Income is composed of large non-cash items it is considered low quality.
• to evaluate the risks within a financial product. E.g. matching cash requirements, evaluating default risk, re-investment requirements, etc.

Cash flow is a generic term used differently depending on the context. It may be defined by users for their own purposes. It can refer to actual past flows, or to projected future flows. It can refer to the total of all the flows involved or to only a subset of those flows. Subset terms include ‘net cash flow’, operating cash flow and free cash flow.

Cheque: A cheque, also spelled check (see below), is a negotiable instrument instructing a financial institution to pay a specific amount of a specific currency from a specified demand account held in the maker/depositor’s name with that institution. Both the maker and payee may be natural persons or legal entities.

Etymology and spelling

The most common spellings of the word (in all its senses) were check, checque, and cheque from the 1600s until the 1900s. Since the 1800s, the spelling cheque (from the French word chèque) is standard for the financial sense of the word in Ireland, and the Commonwealth, while only check is retained in its other senses, thus distinguishing the two definitions in writing.

The English word cheque comes from the Arabic ?akk (???), itself the Arabicized of ‘(??) pronounced check’ in Persian, which is a written document or letter or note of credit Muslim merchants -and everybody else- adopted to carry out their trading. The concept of ?akk appeared in European documents around 1220, mostly in areas neighboring Muslim Spain and North Africa; south France and Italy.

On the other hand, check is used for the financial sense in the U.S.

History

The cheque had its origins in the ancient banking system, in which bankers would issue orders at the request of their customers, to pay money to identified payees. Such an order was referred to as a bill of exchange. The use of bills of exchange facilitated trade by eliminating the need for merchants to carry large quantities of currency (e.g. gold) to purchase goods and services. A draft is a bill of exchange which is not payable on demand of the payee. (However, draft in the U.S. Uniform Commercial Code today means any bill of exchange, whether payable on demand or at a later date; if payable on demand it is a “demand draft“, or if drawn on a financial institution, a cheque.)

The ancient Romans are believed^[4] to have used an early form of cheque known as praescriptiones in the first century BC. During the 3rd century AD, banks in Persia and other territories in the Persian Empire under the Sassanid Empire issued letters of credit known as ?akks.

Muslims are known to have used the cheque or ?akk system since the times of Harun al-Rashid (9th century). In the 9th century, a Muslim businessman could cash an early form of the cheque in China drawn on sources in Baghdad,^[5] a tradition that was significantly strengthened in the 13th and 14th centuries, during the Mongol Empire. Indeed, fragments found in the Cairo Geniza indicate that in the 12th century cheques remarkably similar to our own were in use, only smaller to save costs on the paper. They contain a sum to be paid and then the order “May so and so pay the bearer such and such an amount”. The date and name of the issuer are also apparent.

Between 1118 and 1307, it is believed the Knights Templar introduced a cheque system for pilgrims travelling to the Holy Land or across Europe.  The pilgrims would deposit funds at one chapter house, then withdraw it from another chapter at their destination by showing a draft of their claim. These drafts would be written in a very complicated code only the Templars could decipher.

The Geneva Convention of 1931

The Geneva Convention on the unification of the law relating to cheques simplified the international use of cheques ^[7]. Most European, south-american states and Japan joined the convention, but not the United States and the members of Commonwealth (all the members of the common law).

Parts of a cheque

Cheques generally contain:

1. place of issue
2. cheque number
3. date of issue
4. payee
5. amount of currency
6. signature of the drawer
7. routing / account number in MICR format. In the U.S., the routing number is a nine-digit number in which the first 4 digits identifies the U.S. Federal Reserve Bank‘s cheque-processing center. This is followed by digits 5 through 8, identifying the specific bank served by that cheque-processing center. Digit 9 is a verification check digit, computed using a complex algorithm of the previous 8 digits.

• Typically the routing number is followed by a group 8 or 9 MICR digits that indicates the particular account number at that bank. The account number is assigned independently by the various banks.
• Typically the account number is followed by a group of 3 or 4 MICR digits that indicates a particular cheque number from that account.

1. fractional routing number (U.S. only) – also known as the transit number, consists of a denominator mirroring the first 4 digits of the routing number. And a hyphenated numerator, also known as the ABA number, in which the first part is a city code (1-49), if the account is in one of 49 specific cities, or a state code (50-99) if it is not in one of those specific cities; the second part of the hyphenated numerator mirrors the 5th through 8th digits of the routing number with leading zeros removed.

A cheque is generally valid indefinitely or for six months after the date of issue unless otherwise indicated; this varies depending on where the cheque is drawn.  In Australia, for example, it is fifteen months.  In the United States, it is six months.  Legal amount (amount in words) is also highly recommended but not strictly required.

In the USA and some other countries, cheques contain a memo line where the purpose of the cheque can be indicated as a convenience without affecting the official parts of the cheque. This is not used in Britain where such notes are often written on the reverse side.

In the USA, at the top (when cheque oriented vertically) of the reverse side of the cheque, there are usually one or more blank lines labeled something like “Endorse here”.

Types of checks in the United States

In the United States, checks (the spelling cheque is not used) are governed by Article 3 of the Uniform Commercial Code.

• An order check — the most common form in the United States — is payable only to the named payee or his or her endorsee, as it usually contains the language “Pay to the order of (name).”
• A bearer check is payable to anyone who is in possession of the document: this would be the case if the check does not state a payee, or is payable to “bearer” or to “cash” or “to the order of cash”, or if the check is payable to someone who is not a person or legal entity, e.g. if the payee line is marked “Happy Birthday”.
• A counter check is a bank check given to customers who have run out of checks or whose checks are not yet available. It is often left blank, and is used for purposes of withdrawal.

In the United States, the terminology for a check historically varied with the type of financial institution on which it is drawn. In the case of a savings and loan association it was anegotiable order of withdrawal; if a credit union it was a share draft. Checks as such were associated with chartered commercial banks. However, common usage has increasingly conformed to more recent versions of Article 3, where check means any or all of these negotiable instruments. Certain types of checks drawn on a government agency, especially payroll checks, may also be referred to as a payroll warrant.

Usage

Parties to regular cheques generally include a maker or drawer, the depositor writing a cheque; a drawee, the financial institution where the cheque can be presented for payment; and a payee, the entity to whom the maker issues the cheque. The drawer drafts or draws a cheque, which is also called cutting a check, especially in the United States. There may also be a beneficiary – for example, in depositing a cheque with a custodian of a brokerage account, the payee will be the custodian, but the cheque may be marked F/B/O (“for the benefit of”) the beneficiary.

Ultimately, there is also at least one endorsee which would typically be the financial institution servicing the payee’s account, or in some circumstances may be a third party to whom the payee owes or wishes to give money.

A payee that accepts a cheque will typically deposit it in an account at the payee’s bank, and have the bank process the cheque. In some cases, the payee will take the cheque to a branch of the drawee bank, and cash the cheque there. If a cheque is refused at the drawee bank (or the drawee bank returns the cheque to the bank that it was deposited at) because there are insufficient funds for the cheque to clear, it is said that the cheque has bounced. Once a cheque is approved and all appropriate accounts involved have been credited, the cheque is stamped with some kind of cancellation mark, such as a “paid” stamp. The cheque is now a cancelled cheque. Cancelled cheques are placed in the account holder’s file. The account holder can request a copy of a cancelled cheque as proof of a payment. This is known as the cheque clearing cycle.

Cheques are losing favor, as they can be lost or go astray within the cycle, or be delayed if further verification is needed in the case of suspected fraud. A cheque may thus bounce some time after it has been deposited.

Following a report by a working group of the Office of Fair Trading in 2006 maximum times for the cheque clearing cycle for most banks will be introduced in UK from November 2007.  The date the credit appears on the recipient’s account (usually the day of deposit) will be designated ‘T’. At ‘T + 2′ (2 business days afterwards) the value will count for calculation of credit interest or overdraft interest on the recipient’s account. At ‘T + 4′ one will be able to withdraw funds (though this will often happen earlier, at the bank’s discretion). ‘T + 6′ is the last day that a cheque can bounce without the recipient’s permission – this is known as ‘certainty of fate’. Before the introduction of this standard, the only way to know the ‘fate’ of a cheque has been ‘Special Presentation’, which would probably involve a fee, where the drawee bank contacts the payee bank to see if the payee has that money at that time. ‘Special Presentation’ needs to be stated at the time of depositing in the cheque.

When a maker directs the maker’s bank to deduct the funds for the amount of a cheque from the maker’s account, thus guaranteeing funds will be available for the cheque to clear, and the bank indicates this fact by making a notation on the face of the cheque (technically called an acceptance), the instrument is then referred to as a certified cheque.

In Europe, in the few countries where cheques are still being used, and in the past also in other European countries, a drawer can present a cheque guarantee card with the cheque when paying a retailer. If the retailer wrote the card number on the back of the cheque, the cheque was signed in the retailer’s presence, and the retailer verifies the signature on the cheque against the signature on the card, then the cheque cannot be cancelled and payment cannot be refused. Cheque guarantee cards have been out of use in Central Europe for about 15 years.

A cheque used to pay wages due is referred to as a payroll cheque. Payroll cheques issued by the military to soldiers, or by some other government entities to their employees, beneficiants, and creditors, are referred to as warrants.

A traveler’s cheque is designed to allow the person signing it to make an unconditional payment to someone else as a result of paying the account holder for that privilege. Traveler’s cheques can usually be replaced if lost or stolen; they are often used by people on vacation instead of cash. The use of credit or debit cards has, however, begun to replace the traveler’s cheque as the standard for vacation money, with an increase in usage by spenders due to ease of use, and an increase of businesses preferring transfers of this kind over traveler’s cheques. This has resulted in some businesses to no longer accepting traveler’s cheques as currency.

• A cheque sold by a post office or merchant such as a grocery for payment by a third party for a customer is referred to as a money order or postal order.
• A cheque issued by a bank on its own account for a customer for payment to a third party is called a cashier’s cheque, a treasurer’s cheque, a bank cheque, or a bank draft. A cheque issued by a bank but drawn on an account with another bank is a teller’s cheque.
• In addition to issuing cashier’s and teller’s cheques, banks often sell money orders, and traveler’s cheques are usually purchased from banks.
• Some public assistance programs such as the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants and Children, or Aid to Families with Dependent Children make vouchers available to their beneficiaries, which are good up to a certain monetary amount for purchase of grocery items deemed eligible under the particular program. The voucher can be deposited like any other cheque by a participating supermarket or other approved business.
• Paper cheques have a major advantage to the maker over debit card transactions in that the maker’s bank will release the money several days later. Paying with a cheque and making a deposit before it clears the maker’s bank is called “kiting” or “floating” and is generally illegal in the United States, but rarely enforced unless the maker uses multiple chequing accounts with multiple institutions to increase the delay or to steal the funds.

Industry trend

Cheques have been in decline for many years, both for point of sale transactions (for which credit cards and debit cards are increasingly preferred) and for third party payments (e.g. bill payments), where the decline has been accelerated by the emergence of telephone banking and online banking. Being paper-based, cheques are costly for banks to process in comparison to electronic payments, so banks in many countries now discourage the use of cheques, either by charging for cheques or by making the alternatives more attractive to customers. Cheques are also more costly for the issuer and receiver of a cheque. In particular the handling of money transfer requires more effort and is time consuming. The cheque has to be handed over on a personal meeting or has to be sent by mail. The rise of automated teller machines(ATMs) has led to an era of easy access to cash, which make the necessity of writing a cheque to someone because the banks were closed a thing of the past.

Western Europe

In most European countries, cheques are now very rarely used, even for third party payments. In these countries, it is standard practice for businesses to publish their bank details on invoices in order to facilitate the receipt of payments by giro. Even before the introduction of online banking, it has been possible in some countries to make payments to third parties using ATMs which may accurately and rapidy capture invoice amounts, due dates, and payee bank details via a bar code reader to reduce keying. In some countries, entering the bank account number results in the bank revealing the name of the payee as an added safeguard against fraud. One of the essential procedural differences is that with a cheque, the onus is on the payee to initiate the payment in the banking system, whereas with a giro transfer, the onus is on the payer to effect the payment. The process is also simpler procedurally as no cheques are ever posted (or can claim to have been posted) or need banking or clearance.

In Germany, Austria, the Netherlands, Belgium and Scandinavia, cheques have almost completely vanished in favour of direct bank transfer and electronic payment. Direct bank transfer using so-called Girotransfers has been standard procedure since the 1950s to send and receive regular payments like rent and wages, even mail-order invoices. In the Netherlands, Austria and Germany, all kinds of invoices are commonly accompanied by so-called acceptgiro‘s (Netherlands) or Überweisungen (German), which are essentially standardized bank transfer order forms preprinted with the payee’s account details and the amount payable. The payer fills in his account details and hands the form to a clerk at his bank, which will then transfer the money. Also, it is very common to allow the payee to automatically withdraw the requested amount from the payer’s account (Lastschrifteinzug (German) or Incasso (machtiging) (Netherlands)). Though similar to paying by cheque, the payee only needs the payer’s bank and account number. Since the early 1990s this method of payment has also been available to merchants. Due to this, credit cards are rather uncommon in Germany and Austria and are mostly used for the credit function rather than for cashless payment. Debit cards, however, are widespread in these countries since virtually all Austrian and German banks issue debit cards instead of simple ATM cards for use on current accounts. Acceptance of cheques has been further diminished since the late 1990s, because of the abolition of the Eurocheque. Cashing a foreign bank cheque is possible, but usually very expensive.

In Finland, banks stopped issuing personal cheques in about 1993 in favor of giro systems which are now almost exclusively electronically initiated either via internet banking or payment machines located at banks and shopping malls. All Nordic countries have used an interconnected international Giro system since the 1950s, and in Sweden cheques are now totally abandoned. Electronic payments across the European Union are now fast and low-cost.

In the United Kingdom, Ireland and France, there is still a heavy reliance on cheques by some sectors of the population, partly because cheques remain free of charge to personal customers, but bank-to-bank transfers are increasing in popularity. Since 2001, businesses in the United Kingdom have made more electronic payments than cheque payments.  In a bid to discourage cheques, most utilities in the United Kingdom charge higher prices to customers who choose to pay by a means other than direct debit, even if the customer pays by another electronic method. Some shops in the United Kingdom and many inFrance no longer accept cheques as a means of payment. An example of this is when Shell announced in September 2005 that it would no longer accept cheques in its UK petrol stations.  More recently this has been followed by other major fuel retailers such as Texaco, BP, and Total. Asda announced in April 2006 that it would stop accepting cheques, initially as a trial in the London area,^[15] and Boots announced in September 2006 that it would stop accepting cheques, initially as a trial in Sussex and Surrey.^[16] Currys (and other stores in the DSGi group) and WH Smith also no longer accept cheques. Cheques are now widely predicted to become, in the foreseeable future in the United Kingdom, a thing of the past or, at most, a niche product used to pay private individuals or those businesses that do not, or cannot easily, accept electronic payments (e.g. music teachers, driving instructors, children’s sports lessons, very small shops etc.).

North America

The United States still relies heavily on checks, caused by the absence of a high volume system for low value electronic payments.  About 70 billion checks were written annually in the USA by 2001 though almost 25% of Americans do not have bank accounts at all.  When sending a payment by online banking in the United States at some banks, the sending bank mails a check to the payee’s bank or to the payee rather than sending the funds electronically. Certain companies with whom a person pays with a check will turn that check into an ACH or electronic transaction. Banks try to save time processing checks by sending them electronically between banks. Many utilities and most credit cards will also allow customers to pay by providing bank information and having the payee draw payment from the customer’s account (direct debit). Many people in the US still use paper Money Orders to pay bills or transfer money, since they act like checks in payment processing systems, have security advantages over mailing cash, and do not require access to a bank account in order to obtain.

Canada‘s usage of cheques is slightly less than that of the United States. The Interac system, which allows instant fund transfers via magnetic strip and PIN, is widely used by merchants to the point that very few brick and mortar merchants accept cheques anymore. Many merchants accept Interac debit payments but not credit card payments, even though most Interac terminals can support credit card payments. Financial institutions also facilitate transfers between accounts within different institutions with the Email Money Transfer service.

Cheques are still widely used for government cheques, payroll, rent and utility bill payments, though direct account deposits and online/telephone bill payments are also widely offered.

Alternatives to cheques

1. Wire/bank transfer (local and international)
2. EU payment
3. Direct debit (initiated by payee)
4. Direct credit (initiated by payer), ACH in the USA
5. Online card payment
6. Third party online payment services (for example PayPal)
7. Postal payments (different names in different countries)
8. Cash (at the counter)
9. POS payments (at the counter)

Fraud (identity theft) via cheques

Since cheques include significant personal information (name, account number, signature and in some countries driver’s license number, the address and/or phone number of the account holder), they can be used for fraud, specifically identity theft.

Oversized cheques

Oversized cheques are often used in public events such as donating money to charity or giving out prizes such as Publishers Clearing House. The cheques are commonly 18 by 36 inches (46 cm × 91 cm) in size, however, according to the Guinness Book of World Records, the largest ever is 12 by 25 metres (39 ft × 82 ft).  Regardless of the size, such cheques can still be redeemed for their cash value as long as they have the same parts as a normal cheque, although usually the oversized cheque is kept as a souvenir and a normal cheque is provided.  A bank may levy additional charges for clearing an oversized cheque.

Dishonored cheques

A dishonored cheque cannot be redeemed for its value and is worthless; they are also known as an RDI (returned deposit item), or NSF (Non-Sufficient Funds) cheque. Cheques are usually dishonored because the drawer’s account has been frozen or limited, or because there are insufficient funds in the drawer’s account when the cheque was redeemed. A cheque drawn on an account with insufficient funds is said to have bounced and may be called a rubber cheque.  Banks will typically charge customers for issuing a dishonored cheque, and in some jurisdictions such an act is a criminal action. A drawer may also issue a stop on a cheque, instructing the financial institution not to honor a particular cheque.

In England and Wales, they are typically returned marked “Refer to Drawer” – an instruction to contact the person issuing the cheque for an explanation as to why the cheque was not honored. This wording was brought in after a bank was successfully sued for libel after returning a cheque with the phrase “Insufficient Funds” after making an error – the court ruled that as there were sufficient funds the statement was demonstrably false and damaging to the reputation of the person issuing the cheque. Despite the use of this revised phrase, successful libel lawsuits brought against banks by individuals remained for similar errors.

However, in Scotland, a cheque acts as an assignment of the amount of money to the payee. As such, if a cheque is dishonored in Scotland, what funds are present in the bank account are “attached” and frozen, until either sufficient funds are credited to the account to pay the cheque, the drawer recovers the cheque and hands it into the bank, or the drawer obtains a letter from the payee that he has no further interest in the cheque.

A cheque may also be dishonored because it is stale or not cashed within a “void after date.” Many cheques have an explicit notice printed on the cheque that it is void after some period of days. In the United States, banks are not required by the Uniform Commercial Code to honor a stale dated-cheque, which is a cheque presented six months after it is dated.

Cashier’s cheques & banker’s drafts

Cashier’s cheques and banker’s drafts are cheques issued against the funds of a financial institution rather than an individual account holder, decreasing the likelihood the cheque will bounce. Typically, cashier’s cheques are used in the USA and banker’s drafts are used in the UK. Though similar, they differ in their mechanics.

Cashier’s cheques are issued by a bank cashier or head teller (or even by a major company). They are paid from the financial institution’s funds immediately, without any clearing period. The financial institution then later takes the value of the cheque from the drawer. Cashier’s cheques are perceived to be as good as cash but they are still a cheque, a misconception often exploited by scam artists.

The funds behind a banker’s draft are paid when the draft is first drawn and are held by the issuing bank until the draft is cashed. Thus the funds of a banker’s draft has been allocated and verified before the document is issued, providing a guarantee it will not be dishonored due to insufficient funds. However, a lost or stolen banker’s draft can be stopped like any other cheque so payment is not completely guaranteed.

Certified cheque

When a certified cheque is drawn, the bank operating the account verifies there are currently sufficient funds in the drawer’s account to honor the cheque. A hole is punched through the MICR numbers so the certified cheque will not be processed as an ordinary cheque when it is deposited, and a bank official signs the cheque face to indicate it is certified. Although the face of the cheque is crowded, the back of the cheque is blank and the cheque can be deposited and routed through the banking system like an ordinary cheque.

While certified cheques guarantee there are sufficient funds to honor them at the time the cheque is drawn, they cannot guarantee there will be sufficient funds when the cheque is finally cleared for payment.

Warrants

Main article: Warrant (of payment)

Warrants look like cheques and clear through the banking system like cheques, but are not drawn against cleared funds in a demand deposit account. A cheque differs from a warrant in that the warrant is not necessarily payable on demand and may not be negotiable.^[25]

Lock box

Main article: Lock box

Typically when customers pay bills with cheques (like gas or water bills), the mail will go to a ‘lock box’ at the post office. There a bank will pick up all the mail, sort it, open it, take the cheques and remittance advice out, process it all through electronic machinery, and post the funds to the proper accounts. In modern systems taking advantage of the Check 21 Act, many cheques are transformed into electronic objects and the paper is destroyed.

Clearing house: A clearing house is a financial services company that provides clearing and settlement services for financial transactions, usually on a futures exchange, and often acts as central counterparty (the payor actually pays the clearing house, which then pays the payee). A clearing house may also offer novation, the substitution of a new contract or debt for an old, or other credit enhancement services to its members.  The term is also used for banks like Suffolk Bank that acted as a restraint on the over-issuance of private bank notes.

Clearing on options exchanges

The Options Clearing Corporation is an example of a clearing house that functions for the purpose of clearing equity options and bond derivatives, in order to ensure the proper implementation of these instruments.

Clearing on futures exchanges

LCH.Clearnet (Formerly known as The London Clearing House), for example, provides clearing and settlement services for the International Petroleum Exchange, London, which is affiliated with the Intercontinental Exchange, Atlanta, Georgia. The London Clearing House also acts as the clearing house for Euronext.liffe and the London Metal Exchange.

In 2001, the Commodity Futures Trading Commission registered the London Clearing House as a Derivatives Clearing Organization (DCO) in the United States, making it the first offshore DCO to be recognized under the statutory mandate of the Commodity Futures Modernization Act of 2000.

CME Group, now a combination of the Chicago Mercantile Exchange, the Chicago Board of Trade, and the New York Mercantile Exchange, owns and operates its own clearing operation while also offering clearing services (for a fee) to other exchanges. Its “ClearPort” operation also provides clearing for certain “over-the-counter” trades.

In 2008, Intercontinental Exchange established it’s own Clearing House to Clear ICE Europe products and migrated clearing functions from LCH.Clearnet

Clearing of payments

In the United States, NACHA-The Electronic Payments Association, formerly the National Automated Clearing House Association, organizes the mechanism for the financial service institutions that participate in the Automated Clearing House (ACH) network. These organizations use the ACH to transfer funds either as debits or credits between participating institutions. Most, but not all, U.S. banks are members of the NACHA. Typical uses of ACH transactions are for automatic payroll programs, monthly mortgage or membership payments, or among non-profit organizations, as a monthly donor/contribution program.

Clearing of securities

In the United States, U.S. securities clearing is done by The Depository Trust Company or Fedwire. International clearing is most commonly done by LCH.Clearnet.

Commercial bank: A commercial bank is a type of financial intermediary and a type of bank. Commercial banking is also known as business banking. It is a bank that provides checking accounts, savings accounts, and money market accounts and that accepts time deposits.^[1] After the Great Depression, the U.S. Congress required that banks engage only in banking activities, whereas investment banks were limited to capital market activities.

As the two no longer have to be under separate ownership under U.S. law, some use the term “commercial bank” to refer to a bank or a division of a bank primarily dealing with deposits and loans from corporations or large businesses. In some other jurisdictions, the strict separation of investment and commercial banking never applied. Commercial banking may also be seen as distinct from retail banking, which involves the provision of financial services direct to consumers. Many banks offer both commercial and retail banking services.

Possible meanings

Commercial bank has two possible meanings:

• Commercial bank is the term used for a normal bank to distinguish it from an investment bank.

This is what people normally call a “bank”. The term “commercial” was used to distinguish it from an investment bank. Since the two types of banks no longer have to be separate companies, some have used the term “commercial bank” to refer to banks that focus mainly on companies. In some English-speaking countries outside North America, the term “trading bank” was and is used to denote a commercial bank. During the great depression and after the stock market crash of 1929, the U.S. Congress passed the Glass-Steagall Act 1933-35 (Khambata 1996) requiring that commercial banks engage only in banking activities (accepting deposits and making loans, as well as other fee based services), whereas investment banks were limited to capital markets activities. This separation is no longer mandatory.

It raises funds by collecting deposits from businesses and consumers via checkable deposits, savings deposits, and time (or term) deposits. It makes loans to businesses and consumers. It also buys corporate bonds and government bonds. Its primary liabilities are deposits and primary assets are loans and bonds.

• Commercial banking can also refer to a bank or a division of a bank that mostly deals with deposits and loans from corporations or large businesses, as opposed to normal individual members of the public (retail banking).

Origin of the word

The name bank derives from the Italian word banco “desk/bench”, used during the Renaissance by Florentine bankers, who used to make their transactions above a desk covered by a green tablecloth.  However, traces of banking activity can found even in ancient times.

In fact, the word traces its origins back to the Ancient Roman Empire, where moneylenders would set up their stalls in the middle of enclosed courtyards called macella on a long bench called a bancu, from which the words banco and bank are derived. As a moneychanger, the merchant at the bancu did not so much invest money as merely convert the foreign currency into the only legal tender in Rome- that of the Imperial Mint.

The role of commercial banks

Commercial banks engage in the following activities:

• processing of payments by way of telegraphic transfer, EFTPOS, internet banking, or other means
• issuing bank drafts and bank cheques
• accepting money on term deposit
• lending money by overdraft, installment loan, or other means
• providing documentary and standby letter of credit, guarantees, performance bonds, securities underwriting commitments and other forms of off balance sheet exposures
• safekeeping of documents and other items in safe deposit boxes
• sale, distribution or brokerage, with or without advice, of insurance, unit trusts and similar financial products as a “financial supermarket”
• traditionally, large commercial banks also underwrite bonds, and make markets in currency, interest rates, and credit-related securities, but today large commercial banks usually have an investment bank arm that is involved in the mentioned activities.

Types of loans granted by commercial banks

Secured loan

A secured loan is a loan in which the borrower pledges some asset (e.g., a car or property) as collateral (i.e., security) for the loan.

Mortgage loan

A mortgage loan is a very common type of debt instrument, used to purchase real estate. Under this arrangement, the money is used to purchase the property. Commercial banks, however, are given security – alien on the title to the house – until the mortgage is paid off in full. If the borrower defaults on the loan, the bank would have the legal right to repossess the house and sell it, to recover sums owing to it.

In the past, commercial banks have not been greatly interested in real estate loans and have placed only a relatively small percentage of their assets in mortgages. As their name implies, such financial institutions secured their earning primarily from commercial and consumer loans and left the major task of home financing to others. However, due to changes in banking laws and policies, commercial banks are increasingly active in home financing.

Changes in banking laws now allow commercial banks to make home mortgage loans on a more liberal basis than ever before. In acquiring mortgages on real estate, these institutions follow two main practices. First, some of the banks maintain active and well-organized departments whose primary function is to compete actively for real estate loans. In areas lacking specialized real estate financial institutions, these banks become the source for residential and farm mortgage loans. Second, the banks acquire mortgages by simply purchasing them from mortgage bankers or dealers.

In addition, dealer service companies, which were originally used to obtain car loans for permanent lenders such as commercial banks, wanted to broaden their activity beyond their local area. In recent years, however, such companies have concentrated on acquiring mobile home loans in volume for both commercial banks and savings and loan associations. Service companies obtain these loans from retail dealers, usually on a nonrecourse basis. Almost all bank/service company agreements contain a credit insurance policy that protects the lender if the consumer defaults.

Commercial Law: Commercial law (sometimes known as business law) is the body of law that governs business and commercial transactions. It is often considered to be a branch of civil lawand deals with issues of both private law and public law.

Commercial law includes within its compass such titles as principal and agent; carriage by land and sea; merchant shipping; guarantee; marine, fire, life, and accident insurance; bills of exchange and partnership. It can also be understood to regulate corporate contracts, hiring practices, and the manufacture and sales of consumer goods. Many countries have adopted civil codes that contain comprehensive statements of their commercial law. In the United States, commercial law is the province of both the United States Congress, under its power to regulate interstate commerce, and the states, under their police power. Efforts have been made to create a unified body of commercial law in the United States; the most successful of these attempts has resulted in the general adoption of the Uniform Commercial Code.

Various regulatory schemes control how commerce is conducted. Privacy laws, safety laws (e.g., the Occupational Safety and Health Act in the United States), and food and drug laws are some examples.

Commercial mortgage-backed securities: Commercial mortgage-backed securities (CMBS) are a type of bond commonly issued in American security markets. They are a type of mortgage-backed security backed by mortgages on commercial rather than residential real estate. CMBS issues are usually structured as multiple tranches, similar to CMOs, rather than typical residential “passthroughs.”

Many American CMBSs carry less prepayment risk than other MBS types, thanks to the structure of commercial mortgages. Commercial mortgages often contain lockout provisions after which they can be subject to defeasance, yield maintenance and prepayment penalties to protect bondholders.

European CMBS issues typically have less prepayment protection. Interest on the bonds is usually floating, i.e. based on a benchmark (like LIBOR/EURIBOR) plus a spread.

Organization

The following is a descriptive passage from the “Borrower Guide to CMBS” published by the Commercial Mortgage Securities Association and the Mortgage Banker’s Association:

Commercial real estate first mortgage debt is generally broken down into two basic categories: (1) loans to be securitized (“CMBS loans”) and (2) portfolio loans. Portfolio loans are originated by a lender and held on its balance sheet through maturity.

In a CMBS transaction, many single mortgage loans of varying size, property type and location are pooled and transferred to a trust. The trust issues a series of bonds that may vary in yield, duration and payment priority. Nationally recognized rating agencies then assign credit ratings to the various bond classes ranging from investment grade (AAA/Aaa through BBB-/Baa3) to below investment grade (BB+/Ba1 through B-/B3) and an unrated class which is subordinate to the lowest rated bond class.

Investors choose which CMBS bonds to purchase based on the level of credit risk/yield/duration that they seek. Each month the interest received from all of the pooled loans is paid to the investors, starting with those investors holding the highest rated bonds, until all accrued interest on those bonds is paid. Then interest is paid to the holders of the next highest rated bonds and so on. The same thing occurs with principal as payments are received.

This sequential payment structure is generally referred to as the “waterfall”. If there is a shortfall in contractual loan payments from the Borrowers or if loan collateral is liquidated and does not generate sufficient proceeds to meet payments on all bond classes, the investors in the most subordinate bond class will incur a loss with further losses impacting more senior classes in reverse order of priority.

The typical structure for the securitization of commercial real estate loans is a real estate mortgage investment conduit (REMIC). A REMIC is a creation of the tax law that allows the trust to be a pass-through entity which is not subject to tax at the trust level. The CMBS transaction is structured and priced based on the assumption that it will not be subject to tax with respect to its activities; therefore, compliance with REMIC regulations is essential. CMBS has become an attractive capital source for commercial mortgage lending because the bonds backed by a pool of loans are generally worth more than the sum of the value of the whole loans. The enhanced liquidity and structure of CMBS attracts a broader range of investors to the commercial mortgage market. This value creation effect allows loans intended for securitization to be aggressively priced, benefiting Borrowers.

Industry Participants

Primary Servicer (or Sub-Servicer)

In some cases the Borrower may deal with a Primary Servicer that may also be the loan originator or Mortgage Banker who sourced the loan. The Primary Servicer maintains the direct Borrower contact, and the Master Servicer may sub-contract certain loan administration duties to the Primary or Sub-Servicer.

Master Servicer

The Master Servicer’s responsibility is to service the loans in the pool through maturity unless the Borrower defaults. The Master Servicer manages the flow of payments and information and is responsible for the ongoing interaction with the performing Borrower.

Special Servicer

Upon the occurrence of certain specified events, primarily a default, the administration of the loan is transferred to the Special Servicer. Besides handling defaulted loans, the Special Servicer also has approval authority over material servicing actions, such as loan assumptions.

Directing Certificateholder / Controlling Class / B-Piece Buyer

The most subordinate bond class outstanding at any given point is considered to be the Directing Certificateholder, also referred to as the Controlling Class. The investor in the most subordinate bond classes is commonly referred to as the “B-piece Buyer.” B-piece Buyers generally purchase the B-rated and BB/Ba-rated bond classes along with the unrated class.

Trustee

The Trustee’s primary role is to hold all the loan documents and distribute payments received from the Master Servicer to the bondholders. Although the Trustee is typically given broad authority with respect to certain aspects of the loan under the PSA, the Trustee typically delegates its authority to either the Special Servicer or the Master Servicer.

Rating Agency

There will be as few as one and as many as four Rating Agencies involved in rating a securitization. Rating agencies establish bond ratings for each bond class at the time the securitization is closed. They also monitor the pool’s performance and update ratings for investors based on performance, delinquency and potential loss events affecting the loans within the trust.

Commercial paper: In the global money market, commercial paper is an unsecured promissory note with a fixed maturity of 1 to 270 days. Commercial Paper is a money-market security issued (sold) by large banks and corporations to get money to meet short term debt obligations (for example, payroll), and is only backed by an issuing bank or corporation’s promise to pay the face amount on the maturity date specified on the note. Since it is not backed by collateral, only firms with excellent credit ratings from a recognized rating agency will be able to sell their commercial paper at a reasonable price. Commercial paper is usually sold at a discount from face value, and carries shorter repayment dates than bonds. The longer the maturity on a note, the higher the interest rate the issuing institution must pay. Interest rates fluctuate with market conditions, but are typically lower than banks’ rates.

Overview

As defined by American law, commercial paper is a financial instrument that matures before nine months (270 days), and is only used to fund operating expenses or current assets (e.g., inventories and receivables) and not used for financing fixed assets, such as land, buildings, or machinery.  By meeting these qualifications it may be issued without U.S. federal government regulation, that is, it need not be registered with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission.  Commercial paper is a type of negotiable instrument, where the legal rights and obligations of involved parties are governed by Articles Three and Four of the Uniform Commercial Code, a set of non-federal business laws adopted by all 50 U.S. States except Louisiana.

At the end of 2009, more than 1,700 companies in the United States issue commercial paper. As of 2008 October 31, the U.S. Federal Reserve reported seasonally adjusted figures for the end of 2007: there was $1.7807 trillion (short-scale, or 1,780,700,000,000) in total outstanding commercial paper; $801.3 billion was “asset backed” and $979.4 billion was not; $162.7 billion of the latter was issued by non-financial corporations, and $816.7 billion was issued by financial corporations.

History

Commercial paper, in the form of promissory notes issued by corporations, have existed since at least the 19th century. For instance, Marcus Goldman, founder of Goldman Sachs, got his start trading commercial paper in New York in 1869. ^[6]

Issuance

There are two methods of issuing paper. The issuer can market the securities directly to a buy and hold investor such as most money market funds. Alternatively, it can sell the paper to a dealer, who then sells the paper in the market. The dealer market for commercial paper involves large securities firms and subsidiaries of bank holding companies. Most of these firms also are dealers in US Treasury securities. Direct issuers of commercial paper usually are financial companies that have frequent and sizable borrowing needs and find it more economical to sell paper without the use of an intermediary. In the United States, direct issuers save a dealer fee of approximately 5 basis points, or 0.05% annualized, which translates to $50,000 on every $100 million outstanding. This saving compensates for the cost of maintaining a permanent sales staff to market the paper. Dealer fees tend to be lower outside the United States.

Line of credit

Commercial paper is a lower cost alternative to a line of credit with a bank. Once a business becomes established, and builds a high credit rating, it is often cheaper to draw on a commercial paper than on a bank line of credit. Nevertheless, many companies still maintain bank lines of credit as a “backup”. Banks often charge fees for the amount of the line of the credit that does not have a balance. While these fees may seem like pure profit for banks, if the company ever actually needs to use the line of credit, it would likely be in serious trouble and have difficulty repaying its liabilities Advantage of commercial paper: o High credit ratings fetch a lower cost of capital. o Wide range of maturity provide more flexibility. o It does not create any lien on asset of the company. o Tradability of Commercial Paper provides investors with exit options. Disadvantages of commercial paper: o Its usage is limited to only blue chip companies. o Issuances of Commercial Paper bring down the bank credit limits. o A high degree of control is exercised on issue of Commercial Paper. o Stand-by-credit may become necessary

Common stock: Common stock is a form of corporate equity ownership, a type of security. It is called “common” to distinguish it from preferred stock. In the event of bankruptcy, common stock investors receive their funds after preferred stock holders, bondholders, creditors, etc. On the other hand, common shares on average perform better than preferred shares or bonds over time.

Common stock is usually voting shares, though not always. Holders of common stock are able to influence the corporation through votes on establishing corporate objectives and policy, stock splits, and electing the company’s board of directors. Some holders of common stock also receive preemptive rights, which enable them to retain their proportional ownership in a company should it issue another stock offering.

Additional benefits from common stock include earning dividends and capital appreciation.

Commodity markets: Commodity markets are markets where raw or primary products are exchanged. These raw commodities are traded on regulated commodities exchanges, in which they are bought and sold in standardized contracts.

This article focuses on the history and current debates regarding global commodity markets. It covers physical product (food, metals, electricity) markets but not the ways that services, including those of governments, nor investment, nor debt, can be seen as a commodity. Articles on reinsurance markets, stock markets, bond markets and currency markets cover those concerns separately and in more depth. One focus of this article is the relationship between simple commodity money and the more complex instruments offered in the commodity markets.

See List of traded commodities for some commodities and their trading units and places.

History

The modern commodity markets have their roots in the trading of agricultural products. While wheat and corn, cattle and pigs, were widely traded using standard instruments in the 19th century in the United States, other basic foodstuffs such as soybeans were only added quite recently in most markets.^{[citation needed]} For a commodity market to be established, there must be very broad consensus on the variations in the product that make it acceptable for one purpose or another.

The economic impact of the development of commodity markets is hard to overestimate. Through the 19th century “the exchanges became effective spokesmen for, and innovators of, improvements in transportation, warehousing, and financing, which paved the way to expanded interstate and international trade.”

Early history of commodity markets

Historically, dating from ancient Sumerian use of sheep or goats, or other peoples using pigs, rare seashells, or other items as commodity money, people have sought ways to standardize and trade contracts in the delivery of such items, to render trade itself more smooth and predictable.

Commodity money and commodity markets in a crude early form are believed to have originated in Sumer where small baked clay tokens in the shape of sheep or goats were used in trade. Sealed in clay vessels with a certain number of such tokens, with that number written on the outside, they represented a promise to deliver that number. This made them a form of commodity money – more than an “I.O.U.” but less than a guarantee by a nation-state or bank. However, they were also known to contain promises of time and date of delivery – this made them like a modern futures contract. Regardless of the details, it was only possible to verify the number of tokens inside by shaking the vessel or by breaking it, at which point the number or terms written on the outside became subject to doubt. Eventually the tokens disappeared, but the contracts remained on flat tablets. This represented the first system of commodity accounting.

However, the Commodity status of living things is always subject to doubt – it was hard to validate the health or existence of sheep or goats. Excuses for non-delivery were not unknown, and there are recovered Sumerian letters that complain of sickly goats, sheep that had already been fleeced, etc.

If a seller’s reputation was good, individual “backers” or “bankers” could decide to take the risk of “clearing” a trade. The observation that trust is always required between market participants later led to credit money. But until relatively modern times, communication and credit were primitive.

Classical civilizations built complex global markets trading gold or silver for spices, cloth, wood and weapons, most of which had standards of quality and timeliness. Considering the many hazards of climate, piracy, theft and abuse of military fiat by rulers of kingdoms along the trade routes, it was a major focus of these civilizations to keep markets open and trading in these scarce commodities. Reputation and clearing became central concerns, and the states which could handle them most effectively became very powerful empires, trusted by many peoples to manage and mediate trade and commerce.

Size of the market

The trading of commodities consists of direct physical trading and derivatives trading.The commodities markets have seen an upturn in the volume of trading in recent years. In the five years up to 2007, the value of global physical exports of commodities increased by 17% while the notional value outstanding of commodity OTC derivatives increased more than 500% and commodity derivative trading on exchanges more than 200%.

The notional value outstanding of banks’ OTC commodities’ derivatives contracts increased 27% in 2007 to $9.0 trillion. OTC trading accounts for the majority of trading in gold and silver. Overall, precious metals accounted for 8% of OTC commodities derivatives trading in 2007, down from their 55% share a decade earlier as trading in energy derivatives rose.

Global physical and derivative trading of commodities on exchanges increased more than a third in 2007 to reach 1,684 million contracts. Agricultural contracts trading grew by 32% in 2007, energy 29% and industrial metals by 30%. Precious metals trading grew by 3%, with higher volume in New York being partially offset by declining volume in Tokyo. Over 40% of commodities trading on exchanges was conducted on US exchanges and a quarter in China. Trading on exchanges in China and India has gained in importance in recent years due to their emergence as significant commodities consumers and producers.

Recent Trends in Commodities

The 2008 global boom in commodity prices – for everything from coal to corn – was fueled by heated demand from the likes of China and India, plus unbridled speculation in forward markets. That bubble popped in the closing months of 2008 across the board. As a result, farmers are expected to face a sharp drop in crop prices, after years of record revenue. Other commodities, such as steel, are also expected to tumble due to lower demand. This will be a rare positive for manufacturing industries, which will experience a drop in some input costs, partly offsetting the decline in downstream demand. ^[2]

Returns

It is generally agreed that commodities have an expected return of 5% in real terms which is based on the risk premium for 116 different commodities weighted equally since 1888 (Source Report 219171-Wharton Business School). Investment professionals often too mistakenly claim there is no risk premium in commodities.

Spot trading

Spot trading is any transaction where delivery either takes place immediately, or with a minimum lag between the trade and delivery due to technical constraints. Spot trading normally involves visual inspection of the commodity or a sample of the commodity, and is carried out in markets such as wholesale markets. Commodity markets, on the other hand, require the existence of agreed standards so that trades can be made without visual inspection.

Forward contracts

A forward contract is an agreement between two parties to exchange at some fixed future date a given quantity of a commodity for a price defined today. The fixed price today is known as the forward price.

Futures contracts

A futures contract has the same general features as a forward contract but is transacted through a futures exchange.

Commodity and Futures contracts are based on what’s termed “Forward” Contracts. Early on these “forward” contracts (agreements to buy now, pay and deliver later) were used as a way of getting products from producer to the consumer. These typically were only for food and agricultural Products. Forward contracts have evolved and have been standardized into what we know today as futures contracts. Although more complex today, early “Forward” contracts for example, were used for rice in seventeenth century Japan. Modern “forward”, or futures agreements, began in Chicago in the 1840s, with the appearance of the railroads. Chicago, being centrally located, emerged as the hub between Midwestern farmers and producers and the east coast consumer population centers.

Hedging

“Hedging“, a common (and sometimes mandatory) practice of farming cooperatives, insures against a poor harvest by purchasing futures contracts in the same commodity. If the cooperative has significantly less of its product to sell due to weather or insects, it makes up for that loss with a profit on the markets, since the overall supply of the crop is short everywhere that suffered the same conditions.

Whole developing nations may be especially vulnerable, and even their currency tends to be tied to the price of those particular commodity items until it manages to be a fully developed nation. For example, one could see the nominally fiat money of Cuba as being tied to sugar prices, since a lack of hard currency paying for sugar means less foreign goods per peso in Cuba itself. In effect, Cuba needs a hedge against a drop in sugar prices, if it wishes to maintain a stable quality of life for its citizens.

Delivery and condition guarantees

In addition, delivery day, method of settlement and delivery point must all be specified. Typically, trading must end two (or more) business days prior to the delivery day, so that the routing of the shipment can be finalized via ship or rail, and payment can be settled when the contract arrives at any delivery point.

Standardization

U.S. soybean futures, for example, are of standard grade if they are “GMO or a mixture of GMO and Non-GMO No. 2 yellow soybeans of Indiana, Ohio and Michigan origin produced in the U.S.A. (Non-screened, stored in silo),” and of deliverable grade if they are “GMO or a mixture of GMO and Non-GMO No. 2 yellow soybeans of Iowa, Illinois and Wisconsin origin produced in the U.S.A. (Non-screened, stored in silo).” Note the distinction between states, and the need to clearly mention their status as “GMO” (“Genetically Modified Organism“) which makes them unacceptable to most “organic” food buyers.

Similar specifications apply for cotton, orange juice, cocoa, sugar, wheat, corn, barley, pork bellies, milk, feedstuffs, fruits, vegetables, other grains, other beans, hay, other livestock, meats, poultry, eggs, or any other commodity which is so traded.

Regulation of commodity markets

Cotton, kilowatt-hours of electricity, board feet of wood, long distance minutes, royalty payments due on artists’ works, and other products and services have been traded on markets of varying scale, with varying degrees of success.^{[citation needed]} One issue that presents major difficulty for creators of such instruments is the liability accruing to the purchaser:

Unless the product or service can be guaranteed or insured to be free of liability based on where it came from and how it got to market, e.g., kilowatts must come to market free from legitimate claims for smog death from coal burning plants, wood must be free from claims that it comes from protected forests, royalty payments must be free of claims of plagiarism or piracy, it becomes impossible for sellers to guarantee a uniform delivery.

Generally, governments must provide a common regulatory or insurance standard and some release of liability, or at least a backing of the insurers, before a commodity market can begin trading. This is a major source of controversy in for instance the energy market, where desirability of different kinds of power generation varies drastically. In some markets, e.g. Toronto, Canada, surveys established that customers would pay 10-15% more for energy that was not from coal or nuclear, but strictly from renewable sources such as wind.

In the United States, the principal regulator of commodity and futures markets is the Commodity Futures Trading Commission.

Proliferation of contracts, terms, and derivatives

However, if there are two or more standards of risk or quality, as there seem to be for electricity or soybeans, it is relatively easy to establish two different contracts to trade in the more and less desirable deliverable separately. If the consumer acceptance and liability problems can be solved, the product can be made interchangeable, and trading in such units can begin.

Since the detailed concerns of industrial and consumer markets vary widely, so do the contracts, and “grades” tend to vary significantly from country to country. A proliferation of contract units, terms, and futures contracts have evolved, combined into an extremely sophisticated range of financial instruments.

These are more than one-to-one representations of units of a given type of commodity, and represent more than simple futures contracts for future deliveries. These serve a variety of purposes from simple gambling to price insurance.

Oil

Building on the infrastructure and credit and settlement networks established for food and precious metals, many such markets have proliferated drastically in the late 20th century. Oil was the first form of energy so widely traded, and the fluctuations in the oil markets are of particular political interest.

Some commodity market speculation is directly related to the stability of certain states, e.g. during the Persian Gulf War, speculation on the survival of the regime of Saddam Hussein in Iraq. Similar political stability concerns have from time to time driven the price of oil.

The oil market is an exception. Most markets are not so tied to the politics of volatile regions – even natural gas tends to be more stable, as it is not traded across oceans by tanker as extensively.

Commodity markets and protectionism

Developing countries (democratic or not) have been moved to harden their currencies, accept IMF rules, join the WTO, and submit to a broad regime of reforms that amount to a “hedge” against being isolated. China’s entry into the WTO signaled the end of truly isolated nations entirely managing their own currency and affairs. The need for stable currency and predictable clearing and rules-based handling of trade disputes, has led to a global trade hegemony – many nations “hedging” on a global scale against each other’s anticipated “protectionism“, were they to fail to join the WTO.

There are signs, however, that this regime is far from perfect. U.S. trade sanctions against Canadian softwood lumber (within NAFTA) and foreign steel (except for NAFTA partners Canada and Mexico) in 2002 signaled a shift in policy towards a tougher regime perhaps more driven by political concerns – jobs, industrial policy, even sustainable forestry and logging practices.

Community development bank: In the United States, Community development banks (CDBs) are banks designed to serve residents and spur economic development in low- to moderate-income (LMI) geographical areas. When CDBs provide retail banking services, they usually target customers from “financially underserved” demographics. Community development banks can apply for formal certification as a Community Development Financial Institution (CDFI) from the Community Development Financial Institutions Fund of the U.S. Department of the Treasury.

Organizers wishing to start a new CDB in the United States can seek either a State or National bank charter. Like any national bank, all Federally chartered CDBs are regulated primarily by the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency. According to the OCC Charter Licensing Manual, CDBs are required “to lend, invest, and provide services primarily to LMI individuals or communities in which it is chartered to conduct business.” State-chartered Community Development Banks are subject to regulations, qualifications, and definitions that vary from state to state.

Some institutions use the terms CDB and community development financial institution, or CDFI, interchangeably.

Notable community development banks

The largest and oldest community development bank is ShoreBank, headquartered in the South Shore neighborhood of Chicago.  Through its holding companyShoreBank Corporation, ShoreBank promotes its community development mission by operating CDBs and other affiliates in certain U.S. cities.

The Grameen Bank of Bangladesh is also usually classified as a community development bank. It was founded by Muhammad Yunus with consultation from ShoreBank. In 2006, the Grameen Bank and its founder were awarded the Nobel Prize.

Other CDBs include:

• Albina Community Bank in Portland, OR
• Carver Federal Savings Bank in New York, NY
• Central Bank of Kansas City in Kansas City, MO
• City First Bank of D.C. in Washington, D.C.
• Dryades Savings Bank in New Orleans, LA
• Hope Community Credit Union in Jackson, MS
• Liberty Bank & Trust in New Orleans, LA
• Louisville Community Development Bank in Louisville, KY
• Neighborhood National Bank in San Diego, CA
• Southern Bancorp in Arkadelphia, AR
• University National Bank in St. Paul, MN
• OneUnited Bank in Boston, MA

Convertible debt: n finance, a convertible note (or, if it has a maturity of greater than 10 years, a convertible debenture) is a type of bond that the holder can convert into shares of common stock in the issuing company or cash of equal value, at an agreed-upon price. It is a hybrid security with debt- and equity-like features. Although it typically has a low coupon rate, the instrument carries additional value through the option to convert the bond to stock, and thereby participate in further growth in the company’s equity value.

From the issuer’s perspective, the key benefit of raising money by selling convertible bonds is a reduced cash interest payment. However, in exchange for the benefit of reduced interest payments, the value of shareholder’s equity is reduced due to the stock dilution expected when bondholders convert their bonds into new shares.

The convertible bond markets in the United States and Japan are of primary global importance. These two domestic markets are the largest in terms of market capitalization. Other domestic convertible bond markets are often illiquid, and pricing is frequently non-standardized.^{[citation needed]}

• USA: It is a highly liquid market compared to other domestic markets. Domestic investors have tended to be most active within US convertibles
• Japan: In Japan, the convertible bond market is relatively more regulated than other markets. It consists of a large number of small issuers.
• Europe: Convertible bonds have become an increasingly important source of finance for firms in Europe. Compared to other global markets, European convertible bonds tend to be of high credit quality.
• Asia (ex Japan): The Asia region provides a wide range of choice for an investor. The maturity of Asian convertible bond markets vary widely.
• Canada: Canadian convertible bonds are exchange traded. Most of the Canadian convertible bond market consists of unsecured sub-investment grade bonds with high yields that are reflective of the issuer’s risk of default.^[1]
• Domestics versus Euroconvertible bonds A further important classification is between the domestic and euroconvertibles markets. Euroconvertibles pay their interest gross and are free of transfer duty when bought, and are delivered into Euroclear or CEDEL for 7 day settlement. Domestics may have different settlement dates, they may pay their interest net of tax and be subject to transaction taxes. European euroconvertibles are generally highly liquid and have a pan-European investor base, dominated by hedge funds and proprietary desks. European domestic convertibles (such as in the UK and Italy) are dominated more by local investment institutions. Since the early nineteen-eighties, foreigners have been able to receive interest on U.S. domestic convertible bonds gross, and this has broadened the global investor base to embrace global hedge funds and other global investors. Likewise, foreigners have been able to receive interest gross on French convertibles (obligations convertibles or OCs), further blurring the differentiation between the domestic and euro CB markets. The pan-European CB market has substantially replaced the various domestic CB markets, and the driver behind this has been the ability of cross-border investors to receive interest payments gross.

Bond – Structure and features

Like any typical bond, convertible bonds have an issue size, issue date, maturity date, maturity value, face value and coupon. They also have the following additional features:

• Conversion price: The nominal price per share at which conversion takes place.
• Conversion ratio: The number of shares each convertible bond converts into. It may be expressed per bond or on a per centum (per 100) basis.
• Parity (Conversion) value: Equity price × Conversion ratio.
• Conversion premium: Represent the divergence of the market value of the CB compared to that of the parity value.
• Call features: The ability of the issuer (on some bonds) to call a bond early for redemption, sometimes subject to certain share price performance. The intention is to encourage investors to convert early into equity (which has now become worth more than the bond’s face value), by threatening repayment in cash for what is now a lower amount.

Types

There are many variations of the basic structure of a convertible bond.

• Vanilla convertible bonds are bonds which may be converted at the option of the owner into the shares of the issuer, usually at a pre-determined rate. They may or may not be redeemable by the issuer prior to the final maturity date, subject to certain share price performance conditions.
• Exchangeables (XB) are bonds which may be exchanged into shares other than those of the issuer. Strictly speaking, they are not convertibles, but they share certain common evaluation characteristics.
• Mandatory convertibles are short duration securities—generally with yields higher than found on the underlying common shares — that are mandatorily convertible upon maturity into a fixed number of common shares. If it is intended to provide a minimum value for the convertible at maturity, convertibility may be into a sufficient number of shares based on the stock price at maturity to provide that minimum redemption value.
• Mandatory exchangeables are short duration securities—generally with yields higher than found on the underlying common shares — that are mandatorily exchangeable upon maturity into a fixed number of common shares. Likewise, if it is intended to provide a minimum value for the convertible at maturity, exchange may be into a sufficient number of shares (based on the stock price at maturity) to provide that minimum redemption value. Such exchangeables may be said to be “redeemed into equity”, and care should be taken when reading the offering documentation, lest “redemption” and “conversion” are confused.
• Contingent convertibles (co-co) only allow the investor to convert into stock if the price of the stock is a certain percentage above the conversion price. For example, a contingent convertible with a $10 stock price at issue, 30% conversion premium and a contingent conversion trigger of 120%, can be converted (at $13) only if the stock trades above $15.60 ($13 x 120%) over a specified period, often 20 out of 30 days before the end of the quarter.

The co-co feature was often favored by issuers because the shares of underlying common stock were only required to be included in diluted EPS calculation if the issuer’s stock traded above the contingent conversion price. In contrast, non-co-co convertible bonds result in an immediate increase in diluted shares outstanding, thereby reducing the EPS. The impact to diluted shares outstanding is calculated using the “as-if-converted” method, which requires the most conservative EPS value be used. Recent changes to GAAP have eliminated the favorable treatment of co-co’s, and as a result their popularity with issuers has waned.

• OCEANEs (or Obligation Convertible En Actions Nouvelles ou Existantes) are bonds which may be converted into the equity of the issuer, but the issuer has the right to deliver new shares or old shares held in Treasury (possibly with different dividend rights). They are a common structure for French issues. These bonds are technically not convertibles, as defined by the law of 25 February 1953. Consequently, there is no three-month conversion period for investors following the date that bonds called are due for redemption, (as is otherwise required, under French law, for French convertibles).
• Convertible preferred stock, (convertible preference shares in the UK), is similar in valuation to a bond, but with lower seniority in the capital structure. Non-payment of income is generally not regarded as an act of default by the issuer. The terms of each issue will define whether or not entitlement to unpaid preference income is cumulative.

See also: convertible preferred stock.

• SPV structures Many convertibles, particularly Euroconvertibles, are issued though special purpose vehicles (SPVs), (typically a subsidiary based offshore in British Virgin Islands, the Cayman Islands or Jersey). The SPV debt is convertible (exchangeable to be more precise) into the equity of the parent company, which is often a holding company. Although the parent may guarantee the SPV debt on an unsubordinated basis, the assets of a parent company could just be shares of various subsidiaries. This means that nominally unsubordinated guarantee on the debt could in fact be structurally subordinated. More significantly, the basis of seniority upon which money raised by the issuing entity has been onwardly applied is rarely revealed at issue; if on-lent on a subordinated basis, the asset quality of the issuing entity and its debt is impaired. This creates a fundamental weakness in the credit analysis of any convertible and non-convertible SPV debt.

Main article: Reverse convertible securities

• Reverse convertible securities are short-term coupon-bearing notes, structured to provide enhanced yield while participating in certain equity-like risks. Reverse convertibles securities are most commonly targeted towards the US market. Their investment value is derived from underlying equity exposure, which is paid in the form of fixed coupons. Generally speaking, the higher the coupon payment, the more likely it is that the investor is delivered shares on maturity. Investors receive full principal back at maturity (plus accrued interest) in cash (but no more) if the Knock-in Level is not breached at any time during the life of the security. The Knock-in level is typically 70-80% of the initial reference price. The underlying stock, index or basket of equities is defined as Reference Shares. In most cases, Reverse convertibles are linked to a single stock.
• Going-public bonds are fixed interest securities which convert or exchange into shares of a company when it later achieves a stock market listing. Distribution is initially syndicated to sub-underwriters, this distribution typically being helped by a short-term redemption feature, possibly in equity, at or near the subsequently prevailing share price. This reduces the downside risks to sub-underwriters taking bonds at issue. Some time subsequent to their issue, the bonds become convertible or exchangeable into shares, the conversion price reflecting in some measure the share price (or expected share price) at the time of conversion – and may be fixed at a discount, to encourage conversion. The key element of going-public bonds is that the primary distribution date is de-coupled from the date when the conversion or exchange price is fixed. In France a series of such bonds were known as Balladur bonds.
• Hybrid bonds typically are issued as loan capital, but the issuer retains the right to exchange or convert the bonds into convertible preference shares with similar conversion rights and income. The purpose is generally to ensure that the bonds (as loan capital) have the tax offset-ability (against taxable profits) of loan interest, and perhaps pay gross to qualifying investors. At the same time, the ability to change the bonds into cumulative or non-cumulative preference capital should mean that they pose less balance sheet risk. The issuer only achieves the best of both worlds if the hybrid bond is structured so that non-payment of interest does not constitute an event of default.

Conversion price: Conversion price: The nominal price per share at which conversion takes place. In finance, a convertible note (or, if it has a maturity of greater than 10 years, a convertible debenture) is a type of bond that the holder can convert into shares of common stock in the issuing company or cash of equal value, at an agreed-upon price. It is a hybrid security with debt- and equity-like features. Although it typically has a low coupon rate, the instrument carries additional value through the option to convert the bond to stock, and thereby participate in further growth in the company’s equity value.

From the issuer’s perspective, the key benefit of raising money by selling convertible bonds is a reduced cash interest payment. However, in exchange for the benefit of reduced interest payments, the value of shareholder’s equity is reduced due to the stock dilution expected when bondholders convert their bonds into new shares.

The convertible bond markets in the United States and Japan are of primary global importance. These two domestic markets are the largest in terms of market capitalization. Other domestic convertible bond markets are often illiquid, and pricing is frequently non-standardized.

• USA: It is a highly liquid market compared to other domestic markets. Domestic investors have tended to be most active within US convertibles
• Japan: In Japan, the convertible bond market is relatively more regulated than other markets. It consists of a large number of small issuers.
• Europe: Convertible bonds have become an increasingly important source of finance for firms in Europe. Compared to other global markets, European convertible bonds tend to be of high credit quality.
• Asia (ex Japan): The Asia region provides a wide range of choice for an investor. The maturity of Asian convertible bond markets vary widely.
• Canada: Canadian convertible bonds are exchange traded. Most of the Canadian convertible bond market consists of unsecured sub-investment grade bonds with high yields that are reflective of the issuer’s risk of default.
• Domestics vs Euroconvertible bonds - A further important classification is between the domestic and euroconvertibles markets. Euroconvertibles pay their interest gross and are free of transfer duty when bought, and are delivered into Euroclear or CEDEL for 7 day settlement. Domestics may have different settlement dates, they may pay their interest net of tax and be subject to transaction taxes. European euroconvertibles are generally highly liquid and have a pan-European investor base, dominated by hedge funds and proprietary desks.

European domestic convertibles (such as in the UK and Italy) are dominated more by local investment institutions. Since the early nineteen-eighties, foreigners have been able to receive interest on U.S. domestic convertible bonds gross, and this has broadened the global investor base to embrace global hedge funds and other global investors. Likewise, foreigners have been able to receive interest gross on French convertibles (obligations convertibles or OCs), further blurring the differentiation between the domestic and euro CB markets. The pan-European CB market has substantially replaced the various domestic CB markets, and the driver behind this has been the ability of cross-border investors to receive interest payments gross.

Coupon (bond): The coupon or coupon rate of a bond is the amount of interest paid per year expressed as a percentage of the face value of the bond. It is the interest rate that a bond issuer will pay to a bondholder.

Overview

For example if you hold $10,000 nominal of a bond described as a 4.5% loan stock, you will receive $450 in interest each year (probably in two installments of $225 each).

Not all bonds have coupons. Zero-coupon bonds are those which do not pay interest, but are sold at the initial offering to investors at a price less than the par value. When held to maturity, the bond is redeemed for par value.

The origin of the expression “coupon” is that bonds were historically issued as bearer certificates, so that possession of the certificate was conclusive proof of ownership. Several coupons, one for each scheduled interest payment covering a number of years, were printed on the certificate. At the due date the owner would physically detach the coupon and present it for payment of the interest (known as “clipping the coupon”).

Between the issue date and the redemption date, the price of a bond will be determined by the market, taking into account among other things:

• The amount and date of the redemption payment at maturity;
• The amounts and dates of the coupons;
• The ability of the issuer to pay interest and repay the principal at maturity;
• The yield offered by other similar bonds in the market.

Credit: Credit is the provision of resources (such as granting a loan) by one party to another party where that second party does not reimburse the first party immediately, thereby generating a debt, and instead arranges either to repay or return those resources (or material(s) of equal value) at a later date. It is any form of deferred payment.  The first party is called a creditor, also known as a lender, while the second party is called a debtor, also known as a borrower.

Movements of financial capital are normally dependent on either credit or equity transfers. Credit is in turn dependent on the reputation or creditworthiness of the entity which takes responsibility for the funds.

Credit need not necessarily be based on formal monetary systems. The credit concept can be applied in barter economies based on the direct exchange of goods and services, and some would go so far as to suggest that the true nature of money is best described as a representation of the credit-debt relationships that exist in society (Ingham 2004 p.12-19).

Credit is denominated by a unit of account. Unlike money (by a strict definition), credit itself cannot act as a unit of account. However, many forms of credit can readily act as a medium of exchange.  As such, various forms of credit are frequently referred to as money and are included in estimates of the money supply.

Credit is also traded in the market. The purest form is the credit default swap market, which is essentially a traded market in credit insurance. A credit default swap represents the price at which two parties exchange this risk – the protection “seller” takes the risk of default of the credit in return for a payment, commonly denoted in basis points (one basis point is 1/100 of a percent) of the notional amount to be referenced, while the protection “buyer” pays this premium and in the case of default of the underlying (a loan, bond or other receivable), delivers this receivable to the protection seller and receives from the seller the par amount (that is, is made whole).

Trade credit

The word credit is used in commercial trade in the term “trade credit” to refer to the approval for delayed payments for purchased goods. Credit is sometimes not granted to a person who has financial instability or difficulty. Companies frequently offer credit to their customers as part of the terms of a purchase agreement. Organizations that offer credit to their customers frequently employ a credit manager.

Consumer credit

Consumer debt can be defined as ‘money, goods or services provided to an individual in lieu of payment.’ Common forms of consumer credit include credit cards, store cards, motor (auto) finance, personal loans (installment loans), retail loans (retail installment loans) and mortgages. This is a broad definition of consumer credit and corresponds with the Bank of England’s definition of “Lending to individuals”. Given the size and nature of the mortgage market, many observers classify mortgage lending as a separate category of personal borrowing, and consequently residential mortgages are excluded from some definitions of consumer credit – such as the one adopted by the Federal Reserve in the US.

The cost of credit is the additional amount, over and above the amount borrowed, that the borrower has to pay. It includes interest, arrangement fees and any other charges. Some costs are mandatory, required by the lender as an integral part of the credit agreement. Other costs, such as those for credit insurance, may be optional. The borrower chooses whether or not they are included as part of the agreement.

Interest and other charges are presented in a variety of different ways, but under many legislative regimes lenders are required to quote all mandatory charges in the form of an annual percentage rate (APR). The goal of the APR calculation is to promote ‘truth in lending’, to give potential borrowers a clear measure of the true cost of borrowing and to allow a comparison to be made between competing products. The APR is derived from the pattern of advances and repayments made during the agreement. Optional charges are not included in the APR calculation. So if there is a tick box on an application form asking if the consumer would like to take out payment insurance, then insurance costs will not be included in the APR calculation (Finlay 2009).

Credit card: A credit card is part of a system of payments named after the small plastic card issued to users of the system. It is a card entitling its holder to buy goods and services based on the holder’s promise to pay for these goods and services.  The issuer of the card grants a line of credit to the consumer (or the user) from which the user can borrow money for payment to a merchant or as a cash advance to the user.

A credit card is different from a charge card, where a charge card requires the balance to be paid in full each month. In contrast, credit cards allow the consumers to ‘revolve’ their balance, at the cost of having interest charged. Most credit cards are issued by local banks or credit unions, and are the shape and size specified by the ISO/IEC 7810 standard as ID-1. This is defined as 85.60 × 53.98 mm in size.

How credit cards work

Credit cards are issued after an account has been approved by the credit provider, after which cardholders can use it to make purchases at merchants accepting that card.

When a purchase is made, the credit card user agrees to pay the card issuer. The cardholder indicates consent to pay by signing a receipt with a record of the card details and indicating the amount to be paid or by entering a personal identification number (PIN). Also, many merchants now accept verbal authorizations via telephone and electronic authorization using the Internet, known as a ‘Card/Cardholder Not Present’ (CNP) transaction.

Electronic verification systems allow merchants to verify that the card is valid and the credit card customer has sufficient credit to cover the purchase in a few seconds, allowing the verification to happen at time of purchase. The verification is performed using a credit card payment terminal or Point of Sale (POS) system with a communications link to the merchant’s acquiring bank. Data from the card is obtained from a magnetic stripe or chip on the card; the latter system is in the United Kingdom and Ireland commonly known as Chip and PIN, but is more technically an EMV card.

Other variations of verification systems are used by eCommerce merchants to determine if the user’s account is valid and able to accept the charge. These will typically involve the cardholder providing additional information, such as the security code printed on the back of the card, or the address of the cardholder.

Each month, the credit card user is sent a statement indicating the purchases undertaken with the card, any outstanding fees, and the total amount owed. After receiving the statement, the cardholder may dispute any charges that he or she thinks are incorrect (see Fair Credit Billing Act for details of the US regulations). Otherwise, the cardholder must pay a defined minimum proportion of the bill by a due date, or may choose to pay a higher amount up to the entire amount owed. The credit issuer charges interest on the amount owed if the balance is not paid in full (typically at a much higher rate than most other forms of debt). Some financial institutions can arrange for automatic payments to be deducted from the user’s bank accounts, thus avoiding late payment altogether as long as the cardholder has sufficient funds.

Advertising, solicitation, application and approval

Credit card advertising regulations include Schumer’s box disclosure requirements. A large fraction of junk mail consists of credit card offers. The three major US credit bureaus (Equifax, TransUnion and Experian) have chosen to allow consumers to opt out from receiving virtually all credit card solicitation offers by mail. It can be done temporarily (via 1-888-5-OPTOUT (1-888-567-8688) or OptOutPreScreen.com and can be made permanent via appropriate reply to a confirmation letter sent by postal mail in response.

Interest charges

Credit card issuers usually waive interest charges if the balance is paid in full each month, but typically will charge full interest on the entire outstanding balance from the date of each purchase if the total balance is not paid.

For example, if a user had a $1,000 transaction and repaid it in full within this grace period, there would be no interest charged. If, however, even $1.00 of the total amount remained unpaid, interest would be charged on the $1,000 from the date of purchase until the payment is received. The precise manner in which interest is charged is usually detailed in a cardholder agreement which may be summarized on the back of the monthly statement. The general calculation formula most financial institutions use to determine the amount of interest to be charged is APR/100 x ADB/365 x number of days revolved. Take the Annual percentage rate (APR) and divide by 100 then multiply to the amount of the average daily balance (ADB) divided by 365 and then take this total and multiply by the total number of days the amount revolved before payment was made on the account. Financial institutions refer to interest charged back to the original time of the transaction and up to the time a payment was made, if not in full, as RRFC or residual retail finance charge. Thus after an amount has revolved and a payment has been made, the user of the card will still receive interest charges on their statement after paying the next statement in full (in fact the statement may only have a charge for interest that collected up until the date the full balance was paid…i.e. when the balance stopped revolving).

The credit card may simply serve as a form of revolving credit, or it may become a complicated financial instrument with multiple balance segments each at a different interest rate, possibly with a single umbrella credit limit, or with separate credit limits applicable to the various balance segments. Usually this compartmentalization is the result of special incentive offers from the issuing bank, to encourage balance transfers from cards of other issuers. In the event that several interest rates apply to various balance segments, payment allocation is generally at the discretion of the issuing bank, and payments will therefore usually be allocated towards the lowest rate balances until paid in full before any money is paid towards higher rate balances. Interest rates can vary considerably from card to card, and the interest rate on a particular card may jump dramatically if the card user is late with a payment on that card or any other credit instrument, or even if the issuing bank decides to raise its revenue.

Benefits to customers

The main benefit to each customer is convenience. Compared to debit cards and checks, a credit card allows small short-term loans to be quickly made to a customer who need not calculate a balance remaining before every transaction, provided the total charges do not exceed the maximum credit line for the card. Credit cards also provide more fraud protection than debit cards. In the UK for example, the bank is jointly liable with the merchant for purchases of defective products over £100.

Additionally, carrying a credit card may be a convenience to some customers, as it eliminates the need to carry any cash for most purposes.

Detriments to customers

Credit cards with low introductory rates are limited to a fixed term, usually between 6 and 12 months after which a higher rate is charged. As all credit cards assess fees and interest, some customers become so encumbered with their credit debt service that they are driven to bankruptcy. Credit cards will often stipulate a default rate of 20 to 30 percent in the event a payment is missed. That is, if a consumer misses a payment, the rate will automatically increase to a very burdensome level. This can lead to a snowball effect in which the consumer is drowned by unexpectedly high interest rates. Further most card holder agreements enable the issuer to arbitrarily raise the interest rate for any reason they see fit.

Grace period

A credit card’s grace period is the time the customer has to pay the balance before interest is assessed on the outstanding balance. Grace periods vary, but usually range from 20 to 50 days depending on the type of credit card and the issuing bank. Some policies allow for reinstatement after certain conditions are met.

Usually, if a customer is late paying the balance, finance charges will be calculated and the grace period does not apply. Finance charges incurred depend on the grace period and balance; with most credit cards there is no grace period if there is any outstanding balance from the previous billing cycle or statement (i.e. interest is applied on both the previous balance and new transactions). However, there are some credit cards that will only apply finance charge on the previous or old balance, excluding new transactions.

Benefits to merchants

For merchants, a credit card transaction is often more secure than other forms of payment, such as checks, because the issuing bank commits to pay the merchant the moment the transaction is authorized, regardless of whether the consumer defaults on the credit card payment (except for legitimate disputes, which are discussed below, and can result in charges back to the merchant). In most cases, cards are even more secure than cash, because they discourage theft by the merchant’s employees and reduce the amount of cash on the premises. Prior to credit cards, each merchant had to evaluate each customer’s credit history before extending credit. That task is now performed by the banks which assume the credit risk. Credit cards can also aid in securing a sale, especially if the customer does not have enough cash on his or her person or checking account.

For each purchase, the bank charges the merchant a commission (discount fee) for this service and there may be a certain delay before the agreed payment is received by the merchant. The commission is often a percentage of the transaction amount, plus a fixed fee (interchange rate). In addition, a merchant may be penalized or have their ability to receive payment using that credit card restricted if there are too many cancellations or reversals of charges as a result of disputes. Some small merchants require credit purchases to have a minimum amount to compensate for the transaction costs.

In some countries, for example the Nordic countries, banks guarantee payment on stolen cards only if an ID card is checked and the ID card number/civic registration number is written down on the receipt together with the signature. In these countries merchants therefore usually ask for ID. Non-Nordic citizens, who are unlikely to possess a Nordic ID card or driving license, will instead have to show their passport, and the passport number will be written down on the receipt, sometimes together with other information. Some shops use the card’s PIN for identification, and in that case showing an ID card is not necessary.

Costs to merchants

Merchants are charged many fees for the privilege of accepting credit cards. The merchant may be charged a discount rate of 1%-3%+ of each transaction obtained through a credit card. Usually, the merchant will also pay a flat per-item charge, called an interchange rate, for each transaction. Thus in some instances of very low value transactions, use of credit cards may actually cause the merchant to lose money on the transaction. Merchants must accept these transactions as part of their costs to retain the privilege of accepting credit card transactions. Merchants with very low average transaction prices or very high average transaction prices are more averse to accepting credit cards. But rates are often reduced in an attempt to include more of these types of merchants.

Parties involved

• Cardholder: The holder of the card used to make a purchase; the consumer.
• Card-issuing bank: The financial institution or other organization that issued the credit card to the cardholder. This bank bills the consumer for repayment and bears the risk that the card is used fraudulently. American Express and Discover were previously the only card-issuing banks for their respective brands, but as of 2007, this is no longer the case. Cards issued by banks to cardholders in a different country are known as offshore credit cards.
• Merchant: The individual or business accepting credit card payments for products or services sold to the cardholder.
• Acquiring bank: The financial institution accepting payment for the products or services on behalf of the merchant.
• Independent sales organization: Resellers (to merchants) of the services of the acquiring bank.
• Merchant account: This could refer to the acquiring bank or the independent sales organization, but in general is the organization that the merchant deals with.
• Credit Card association: An association of card-issuing banks such as Visa, MasterCard, Discover, American Express, etc. that set transaction terms for merchants, card-issuing banks, and acquiring banks.
• Transaction network: The system that implements the mechanics of the electronic transactions. May be operated by an independent company, and one company may operate multiple networks.
• Affinity partner: Some institutions lend their names to an issuer to attract customers that have a strong relationship with that institution, and get paid a fee or a percentage of the balance for each card issued using their name. Examples of typical affinity partners are sports teams, universities, charities, professional organizations, and major retailers.

The flow of information and money between these parties — always through the card associations — is known as the interchange, and it consists of a few steps.

Transaction steps

• Authorization: The cardholder pays for the purchase and the merchant submits the transaction to the acquirer (acquiring bank). The acquirer verifies the credit card number, the transaction type and the amount with the issuer (Card-issuing bank) and reserves that amount of the cardholder’s credit limit for the merchant. An authorization will generate an approval code, which the merchant stores with the transaction.
• Batching: Authorized transactions are stored in “batches”, which are sent to the acquirer. Batches are typically submitted once per day at the end of the business day. If a transaction is not submitted in the batch, the authorization will stay valid for a period determined by the issuer, after which the held amount will be returned back to the cardholder’s available credit (see authorization hold). Some transactions may be submitted in the batch without prior authorizations; these are either transactions falling under the merchant’s floor limit or ones where the authorization was unsuccessful but the merchant still attempts to force the transaction through. (Such may be the case when the cardholder is not present but owes the merchant additional money, such as extending a hotel stay or car rental.)
• Clearing and Settlement: The acquirer sends the batch transactions through the credit card association, which debits the issuers for payment and credits the acquirer. Essentially, the issuer pays the acquirer for the transaction.
• Funding: Once the acquirer has been paid, the acquirer pays the merchant. The merchant receives the amount totaling the funds in the batch minus either the “discount rate,” “mid-qualified rate”, or “non-qualified rate” which are tiers of fees the merchant pays the acquirer for processing the transactions.
• Chargebacks: A chargeback is an event in which money in a merchant account is held due to a dispute relating to the transaction. Chargebacks are typically initiated by the cardholder. In the event of achargeback, the issuer returns the transaction to the acquirer for resolution. The acquirer then forwards the chargeback to the merchant, who must either accept the chargeback or contest it.

Secured credit cards

A secured credit card is a type of credit card secured by a deposit account owned by the cardholder. Typically, the cardholder must deposit between 100% and 200% of the total amount of credit desired. Thus if the cardholder puts down $1000, they will be given credit in the range of $500–$1000. In some cases, credit card issuers will offer incentives even on their secured card portfolios. In these cases, the deposit required may be significantly less than the required credit limit, and can be as low as 10% of the desired credit limit. This deposit is held in a special savings account. Credit card issuers offer this because they have noticed that delinquencies were notably reduced when the customer perceives something to lose if the balance is not repaid.

The cardholder of a secured credit card is still expected to make regular payments, as with a regular credit card, but should they default on a payment, the card issuer has the option of recovering the cost of the purchases paid to the merchants out of the deposit. The advantage of the secured card for an individual with negative or no credit history is that most companies report regularly to the major credit bureaus. This allows for building of positive credit history.

Although the deposit is in the hands of the credit card issuer as security in the event of default by the consumer, the deposit will not be debited simply for missing one or two payments. Usually the deposit is only used as an offset when the account is closed, either at the request of the customer or due to severe delinquency (150 to 180 days). This means that an account which is less than 150 days delinquent will continue to accrue interest and fees, and could result in a balance which is much higher than the actual credit limit on the card. In these cases the total debt may far exceed the original deposit and the cardholder not only forfeits their deposit but is left with an additional debt.

Most of these conditions are usually described in a cardholder agreement which the cardholder signs when their account is opened.

Secured credit cards are an option to allow a person with a poor credit history or no credit history to have a credit card which might not otherwise be available. They are often offered as a means of rebuilding one’s credit. Secured credit cards are available with both Visa and MasterCard logos on them. Fees and service charges for secured credit cards often exceed those charged for ordinary non-secured credit cards, however, for people in certain situations, (for example, after charging off on other credit cards, or people with a long history of delinquency on various forms of debt), secured cards can often be less expensive in total cost than unsecured credit cards, even including the security deposit.

Sometimes a credit card will be secured by the equity in the borrower’s home.

Prepaid “credit” cards

See also: Stored-value card

A prepaid credit card is not a credit card, since no credit is offered by the card issuer: the card-holder spends money which has been “stored” via a prior deposit by the card-holder or someone else, such as a parent or employer. However, it carries a credit-card brand (Visa, MasterCard, American Express or Discover) and can be used in similar ways just as though it were a regular credit card.

After purchasing the card, the cardholder loads the account with any amount of money, up to the predetermined card limit and then uses the card to make purchases the same way as a typical credit card. Prepaid cards can be issued to minors (above 13) since there is no credit line involved. The main advantage over secured credit cards (see above section) is that you are not required to come up with $500 or more to open an account.  With prepaid credit cards you are not charged any interest but you are often charged a purchasing fee plus monthly fees after an arbitrary time period. Many other fees also usually apply to a prepaid card.

Prepaid credit cards are sometimes marketed to teenagers for shopping online without having their parents complete the transaction.

Because of the many fees that apply to obtaining and using credit-card-branded prepaid cards, the Financial Consumer Agency of Canada describes them as “an expensive way to spend your own money”. The agency publishes a booklet, “Pre-paid cards”, which explains the advantages and disadvantages of this type of prepaid card.

Features

As well as convenient, accessible credit, credit cards offer consumers an easy way to track expenses, which is necessary for both monitoring personal expenditures and the tracking of work-related expenses for taxation and reimbursement purposes. Credit cards are accepted worldwide, and are available with a large variety of credit limits, repayment arrangement, and other perks (such as rewards schemes in which points earned by purchasing goods with the card can be redeemed for further goods and services or credit card cashback).

Some countries, such as the United States, the United Kingdom, and France, limit the amount for which a consumer can be held liable due to fraudulent transactions as a result of a consumer’s credit card being lost or stolen.

Security problems and solutions

Main article: Credit card fraud

See also: Wireless identity theft

Credit card security relies on the physical security of the plastic card as well as the privacy of the credit card number. Therefore, whenever a person other than the card owner has access to the card or its number, security is potentially compromised. Once, merchants would often accept credit card numbers without additional verification for mail order purchases. It’s now common practice to only ship to confirmed addresses as a security measure to minimize fraudulent purchases. Some merchants will accept a credit card number for in-store purchases, whereupon access to the number allows easy fraud, but many require the card itself to be present, and require a signature. A lost or stolen card can be cancelled, and if this is done quickly, will greatly limit the fraud that can take place in this way. For internet purchases, there is sometimes the same level of security as for mail order (number only) hence requiring only that the fraudster take care about collecting the goods, but often there are additional measures. European banks can require a cardholder’s security PIN be entered for in-person purchases with the card.

The PCI DSS is the security standard issued by The PCI SSC (Payment Card Industry Security Standards Council). This data security standard is used by acquiring banks to impose cardholder data security measures upon their merchants.

The low security of the credit card system presents countless opportunities for fraud.  This opportunity has created a huge black market in stolen credit card numbers, which are generally used quickly before the cards are reported stolen.

The goal of the credit card companies is not to eliminate fraud, but to “reduce it to manageable levels”. This implies that high-cost low-return fraud prevention measures will not be used if their cost exceeds the potential gains from fraud reduction – as would be expected from organizations whose goal is profit maximization.

Most internet fraud is friendly fraud. The rest is done through the use of stolen credit card information which is obtained in many ways, the simplest being copying information from retailers, either online or offline. Despite efforts to improve security for remote purchases using credit cards, systems with security holes are usually the result of poor implementations of card acquisition by merchants. For example, a website that uses SSL to encrypt card numbers from a client may simply email the number from the webserver to someone who manually processes the card details at a card terminal. Naturally, anywhere card details become human-readable before being processed at the acquiring bank, a security risk is created. However, many banks offer systems where encrypted card details captured on a merchant’s web server can be sent directly to the payment processor.

Controlled Payment Numbers which are used by various banks such as Citibank (Virtual Account Numbers), Discover (Secure Online Account Numbers, Bank of America (Shop Safe), 5 banks using eCarte Bleue and CMB’s Virtualis in France, and Swedbank of Sweden’s eKort product are another option for protecting one’s credit card number. These are generally one-time use numbers that front one’s actual account (debit/credit) number, and are generated as one shops on-line. They can be valid for a relatively short time, for the actual amount of the purchase, or for a price limit set by the user. Their use can be limited to one merchant if one chooses. The effect of this is the users real account details are not exposed to the merchant and its employees. If the number the merchant has on their database is compromised, it would be useless to a thief after the first transaction and will be rejected if an attempt is made to use it again.

The same system of controls can be used on standard real plastic as well. For example if a consumer has a chip and pin (EMV) enabled card they can limit that card so that it be used only at point of sale locations (i.e restricted from being used on-line) and only in a given territory (i.e only for use in Canada). This technology provides the option for banks to support many other controls too that can be turned on and off and varied by the credit card owner in real time as circumstances change (i.e, they can change temporal, numerical, geographical and many other parameters on their primary and subsidiary cards). Apart from the obvious benefits of such controls: from a security perspective this means that a customer can have a chip and pin card secured for the real world, and limited for use in the home country assuming it is totally chip and pin. In this eventuality a thief stealing the details will be prevented from using these overseas in non chip and pin (EMV) countries. Similarly the real card can be restricted from use on-line so that stolen details will be declined if this tried. Then when card users shop online they can use virtual account numbers. In both circumstances an alert system can be built in notifying a user that a fraudulent attempt has been made which breaches their parameters, and can provide data on this in real time. This is the optimal method of security for credit cards, as it provides very high levels of security, control and awareness in the real and virtual world. Furthermore it requires no changes for merchants at all and is attractive to users, merchants and banks, as it not only detects fraud but prevents it.

The Federal Bureau of Investigation and U.S. Postal Inspection Service are responsible for prosecuting criminals who engage in credit card fraud in the United States, but they do not have the resources to pursue all criminals. In general, federal officials only prosecute cases exceeding US $5,000 in value. Three improvements to card security have been introduced to the more common credit card networks but none has proven to help reduce credit card fraud so far. First, the on-line verification system used by merchants is being enhanced to require a 4 digit Personal Identification Number (PIN) known only to the card holder. Second, the cards themselves are being replaced with similar-looking tamper-resistant smart cards which are intended to make forgery more difficult. The majority of smart card (IC card) based credit cards comply with the EMV (Europay MasterCard Visa) standard. Third, an additional 3 or 4 digit Card Security Code (CSC) is now present on the back of most cards, for use in “card not present” transactions. SeeCVV2 for more information.

Credit history

The way credit card owners pay off their balances has a tremendous effect on their credit history. Two of the most important factors reported to a credit bureau are the timeliness of the debt payments and the amount of debt to credit limit. Lenders want to see payments made as agreed, usually on a monthly basis, and a credit balance of around one-third the credit limit. The credit information stays on the credit report generally for 7 years. However, there are a few jurisdictions and situations where the timeframe might differ.

Profits and losses

In recent times, credit card portfolios have been very profitable for banks, largely due to the booming economy of the late nineties. However, in the case of credit cards, such high returns go hand in hand with risk, since the business is essentially one of making unsecured (uncollateralized) loans, and thus dependent on borrowers not to default in large numbers.

Costs

Credit card issuers (banks) have several types of costs:

Interest expenses

Banks generally borrow the money they then lend to their customers. As they receive very low-interest loans from other firms, they may borrow as much as their customers require, while lending their capital to other borrowers at higher rates. If the card issuer charges 15% on money lent to users, and it costs 5% to borrow the money to lend, and the balance sits with the cardholder for a year, the issuer earns 10% on the loan. This 5% difference is the “interest expense” and the 10% is the “net interest spread”.

Operating costs

This is the cost of running the credit card portfolio, including everything from paying the executives who run the company to printing the plastics, to mailing the statements, to running the computers that keep track of every cardholder’s balance, to taking the many phone calls which cardholders place to their issuer, to protecting the customers from fraud rings. Depending on the issuer, marketing programs are also a significant portion of expenses.

Charge offs

When a consumer becomes severely delinquent on a debt (often at the point of six months without payment), the creditor may declare the debt to be a charge-off. It will then be listed as such on the debtor’s credit bureau reports (Equifax, for instance, lists “R9″ in the “status” column to denote a charge-off.) The item will include relevant dates, and the amount of the bad debt.

A charge-off is considered to be “written off as uncollectable.” To banks, bad debts and even fraud are simply part of the cost of doing business.

However, the debt is still legally valid, and the creditor can attempt to collect the full amount for the time periods permitted under state law, which is usually 3 to 7 years. This includes contacts from internal collections staff, or more likely, an outside collection agency. If the amount is large (generally over $1500–$2000), there is the possibility of a lawsuit or arbitration.

In the United States, as the charge off number climbs or becomes erratic, officials from the Federal Reserve take a close look at the finances of the bank and may impose various operating strictures on the bank, and in the most extreme cases, may close the bank entirely.

Rewards

Many credit card customers receive rewards, such as frequent flyer points, gift certificates, or cash back as an incentive to use the card. Rewards are generally tied to purchasing an item or service on the card, which may or may not include balance transfers, cash advances, or other special uses. Depending on the type of card, rewards will generally cost the issuer between 0.25% and 2.0% of the spread. Networks such as Visa or MasterCard have increased their fees to allow issuers to fund their rewards system. Some issuers discourage redemption by forcing the cardholder to call customer service for rewards. On their servicing website, redeeming awards is usually a feature that is very well hidden by the issuers. Others encourage redemption for lower cost merchandise; instead of an airline ticket, which is very expensive to an issuer, the cardholder may be encouraged to redeem for a gift certificate instead.  With a fractured and competitive environment, rewards points cut dramatically into an issuer’s bottom line, and rewards points and related incentives must be carefully managed to ensure a profitable portfolio. Unlike unused gift cards, in whose case the breakage in certain US states goes to the state’s treasury, unredeemed credit card points are retained by the issuer.

Fraud

In relative numbers the values lost in bank card fraud are minor, calculated in 2006 at 7 cents per 100 dollars worth of transactions (7 basis points). In 2004 in the UK, the cost of fraud was over £500 million. When a card is stolen, or an unauthorized duplicate made, most card issuers will refund some or all of the charges that the customer has received for things they did not buy. These refunds will, in some cases, be at the expense of the merchant, especially in mail order cases where the merchant cannot claim sight of the card. In several countries, merchants will lose the money if no ID card was asked for, therefore merchants usually require ID card in these countries. Credit card companies generally guarantee the merchant will be paid on legitimate transactions regardless of whether the consumer pays their credit card bill. Most banking services have their own credit card services that handle fraud cases and monitor for any possible attempt at fraud. Employees that are specialized in doing fraud monitoring and investigation are often placed in Risk Management, Fraud and Authorization, or Cards and Unsecured Business. Fraud monitoring emphasizes minimizing fraud losses while making an attempt to track down those responsible and contain the situation. Credit card fraud is a major white collar crime that has been around for many decades, even with the advent of the chip based card (EMV) that was put into practice in some countries to prevent cases such as these. Even with the implementation of such measures, credit card fraud continues to be a problem.

Promotion

Promotional purchase is any purchase on which separate terms and conditions are set on each individual transaction unlike a standard purchase where the terms are set on the cardholder’s account record and their pricing strategy. All promotional purchases that post to a particular account will be carrying its own balance called as Promotional Balance.

Revenues

Offsetting costs are the following revenues:

Interchange fee

Main article: Interchange fee

In addition to fees paid by the card holder, merchants must also pay interchange fees to the card-issuing bank and the card association.  For a typical credit card issuer, interchange fee revenues may represent about a quarter of total revenues..

These fees are typically from 1 to 6 percent of each sale, but will vary not only from merchant to merchant (large merchants can negotiate lower rates), but also from card to card, with business cards and rewards cards generally costing the merchants more to process. The interchange fee that applies to a particular transaction is also affected by many other variables including: the type of merchant, the merchant’s total card sales volume, the merchant’s average transaction amount, whether the cards were physically present, how the information required for the transaction was received, the specific type of card, when the transaction was settled, and the authorized and settled transaction amounts. In some cases, merchants add a surcharge to the credit cards to cover the interchange fee, encouraging their customers to instead use cash, debit cards, or even cheques.

Interest on outstanding balances

Interest charges vary widely from card issuer to card issuer. Often, there are “teaser” rates in effect for initial periods of time (as low as zero percent for, say, six months), whereas regular rates can be as high as 40 percent. In the U.S. there is no federal limit on the interest or late fees credit card issuers can charge; the interest rates are set by the states, with some states such as South Dakota, having no ceiling on interest rates and fees, inviting some banks to establish their credit card operations there. Other states, for example Delaware, have very weak usury laws. The teaser rate no longer applies if the customer doesn’t pay his bills on time, and is replaced by a penalty interest rate (for example, 24.99%) that applies retroactively.

Fees charged to customers

The major fees are for:

• Late payments or overdue payments
• Charges that result in exceeding the credit limit on the card (whether done deliberately or by mistake), called overlimit fees
• Returned cheque fees or payment processing fees (eg phone payment fee)
• Cash advances and convenience cheques (often 3% of the amount).
• Transactions in a foreign currency (as much as 3% of the amount). A few financial institutions do not charge a fee for this.
• Membership fees (annual or monthly), sometimes a percentage of the credit limit.
• Exchange rate loading fees (these may sometimes not be reported on the customer’s statement, even when they are applied).

Over limit charges

Consumers who keep their account in good order by always staying within their credit limit, and always making at least the minimum monthly payment will see interest as the biggest expense from their card provider. Those who are not so careful and regularly surpass their credit limit or are late in making payments are exposed to multiple charges that were typically as high as £25 – £35  until a ruling from the Office of Fair Trading that they would presume charges over £12 to be unfair which led the majority of card providers to reduce their fees to exactly that level.

UK

The higher level of fees originally charged were claimed to be designed to recoup the costs of the card operator’s overall business and to ensure that the credit card business as a whole generated a profit, rather than simply recovering the cost to the provider of the limit breach which has been estimated as typically between £3-£4. Profiting from a customer’s mistakes is arguably not permitted under UK common law, if the charges constitute penalties for breach of contract, or under the Unfair Terms In Consumer Regulations 1999.

Subsequent rulings in respect of personal current accounts suggest that the argument that these charges are penalties for breach of contract is weak, and given the OFT’s ruling it seems unlikely that any further test case will take place.

Whilst the law remains in the balance, many consumers have made claims against their credit cards providers for the charges that they have incurred, plus interest that they would have earned had the money not been deducted from their account. It is likely that claims for amounts charged in excess of £12 will succeed, but claims for charges at the OFT’s £12 threshold level are more contentious.

Neutral consumer resources

Canada

The Government of Canada maintains a database of the fees, features, interest rates and reward programs of nearly 200 credit cards available in Canada. This database is updated on a quarterly basis with information supplied by the credit card issuing companies. Information in the database is published every quarter on the website of the Financial Consumer Agency of Canada (FCAC).

Information in the database is published in two formats. It is available in PDF comparison tables that break down the information according to type of credit card, allowing the reader to compare the features of, for example, all the student credit cards in the database.

The database also feeds into an interactive tool on the FCAC website.  The interactive tool uses several interview-type questions to build a profile of the user’s credit card usage habits and needs, eliminating unsuitable choices based on the profile, so that the user is presented with a small number of credit cards and the ability to carry out detailed comparisons of features, reward programs, interest rates, etc.

History

The concept of using a card for purchases was described in 1887 by Edward Bellamy in his utopian novel Looking Backward. Bellamy used the term credit card eleven times in this novel

The modern credit card was the successor of a variety of merchant credit schemes. It was first used in the 1920s, in the United States, specifically to sell fuel to a growing number of automobile owners. In 1938 several companies started to accept each other’s cards. Western Union had begun issuing charge cards to its frequent customers in 1921. Some charge cards were printed on paper card stock, but were easily counterfeited.

The Charga-Plate was an early predecessor to the credit card and used during the 1930s and late 1940s. It was a 2 1/2″ x 1 1/4″ rectangle of sheet metal, similar to a military dog tag, that was embossed with the customer’s name, city and state (no address). It held a small paper card for a signature. It was laid in the imprinter first, then a charge slip on top of it, onto which an inked ribbon was pressed.  Charga-Plate was a trademark of Farrington Manufacturing Co. Charga-Plates were issued by large-scale merchants to their regular customers, much like department store credit cards of today. In some cases, the plates were kept in the issuing store rather than held by customers. When an authorized user made a purchase, a clerk retrieved the plate from the store’s files and then processed the purchase. Charga-Plates speeded back-office bookkeeping that was done manually in paper ledgers in each store, before computers.

The concept of customers paying different merchants using the same card was invented in 1950 by Ralph Schneider and Frank X. McNamara, founders of Diners Club, to consolidate multiple cards. The Diners Club, which was created partially through a merger with Dine and Sign, produced the first “general purpose” charge card, and required the entire bill to be paid with each statement. That was followed by Carte Blanche and in 1958 by American Express which created a worldwide credit card network (although these were initially charge cards that acquired credit card features after BankAmericard demonstrated the feasibility of the concept).

However, until 1958, no one had been able to create a working revolving credit financial instrument issued by a third-party bank that was generally accepted by a large number of merchants (as opposed to merchant-issued revolving cards accepted by only a few merchants). A dozen experiments by small American banks had been attempted (and had failed). In an odd coincidence, both of the products that finally succeeded were born in the U.S. state of California. In September 1958, Bank of America launched the BankAmericard in Fresno, California. BankAmericard became the first successful recognizably modern credit card (although it underwent a troubled gestation during which its creator resigned), and with its overseas affiliates, eventually evolved into the Visa system. In 1966, the ancestor of MasterCard was born when a group of California banks established Master Charge to compete with BankAmericard; it received a significant boost when Citibank merged its proprietary Everything Card (launched in 1967) into Master Charge in 1969.

The fractured nature of the U.S. banking system under the Glass-Steagall Act meant that credit cards became an effective way for those who were traveling around the country to move their credit to places where they could not directly use their banking facilities. In 1966 Barclaycard in the UK launched the first credit card outside of the U.S.

There are now countless variations on the basic concept of revolving credit for individuals (as issued by banks and honored by a network of financial institutions), including organization-branded credit cards, corporate-user credit cards, store cards and so on.

In contrast, although having reached very high adoption levels in the US, Canada and the UK, it is important to note that many cultures were much more cash-oriented in the latter half of the twentieth century, or had developed alternative forms of cash-less payments, such as Carte bleue or the Eurocard (Germany, France, Switzerland, and others). In these places, the take-up of credit cards was initially much slower. It took until the 1990s to reach anything like the percentage market-penetration levels achieved in the US, Canada, or the UK. In many countries acceptance still remains poor as the use of a credit card system depends on the banking system being perceived as reliable. Of particular note is Japan, which remains a very cash oriented society, with credit card adoption being limited to only the largest of merchants, although an alternative system based on RFIDs inside cellphones has seen some acceptance.

In contrast, because of the legislative framework surrounding banking system overdrafts, some countries, France in particular, were much faster to develop and adopt chip-based credit cards which are now seen as major anti-fraud credit devices.

The design of the credit card itself has become a major selling point in recent years. The value of the card to the issuer is often related to the customer’s usage of the card, or to the customer’s financial worth. This has led to the rise of Co-Brand and Affinity cards – where the card design is related to the “affinity” (a university, for example) leading to higher card usage. In most cases a percentage of the value of the card is returned to the affinity group.

Collectible credit cards

A growing field of numismatics (study of money), or more specifically exonumia (study of money-like objects), credit card collectors seek to collect various embodiments of credit from the now familiar plastic cards to older paper merchant cards, and even metal tokens that were accepted as merchant credit cards. Early credit cards were made of celluloid plastic, then metal and fiber, then paper, and are now mostly plastic.

Controversy

Credit card debt has increased steadily. Since the late 1990s, lawmakers, consumer advocacy groups, college officials and other higher education affiliates have become increasingly concerned about the rising use of credit cards among college students. The major credit card companies have been accused of targeting a younger audience, in particular college students, many of whom are already in debt with college tuition fees and college loans and who typically are less experienced at managing their own finances. Credit card debt does not help a college student get better grades as they are likely to work more both part and full time positions.

A 2006 documentary film titled Maxed Out: Hard Times, Easy Credit and the Era of Predatory Lenders deals with this subject in detail.  The nonprofit group Americans for Fairness in Lending works with Maxed Out to educate Americans about credit card abuse.

Another controversial area is the universal default feature of many North American credit card contracts. When a cardholder is late paying a particular credit card issuer, that card’s interest rate can be raised, often considerably. With universal default, a customer’s other credit cards, for which the customer may be current on payments, may also have their rates and/or credit limit changed. The universal default feature allows creditors to periodically check cardholders’ credit portfolios to view trade, allowing these other institutions to decrease the credit limit and/or increase rates on cardholders who may be late with another credit card issuer. Being late on one credit card will potentially affect all the cardholder’s credit cards. Citibank voluntarily stopped this practice in March 2007 and Chase stopped the practice in November 2007.  The fact that credit card companies can change the interest rate on debts that were incurred when a different rate of interest was in place is similar to adjustable rate mortgages where interest rates on current debt may rise. However, in both cases this is agreed to in advance, and is a trade off that allows a lower initial rate as well as the possibility of an even lower rate (mortgages, if interest rates fall) or perpetually keeping a below-market rate (credit cards, if the user makes his debt payments on time). It should be noted that the Universal Default practice was actually encouraged by Federal Regulators, particularly those at the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC) as a means of managing the changing risk profiles of cardholders.

Another controversial area is the trailing interest issue. Trailing interest is the practice of charging interest on the entire bill no matter what percentage of it is paid. U.S Senator Carl Levin raised the issue of millions of Americans whom he said are slaves to hidden fees, compounding interest and cryptic terms. Their woes were heard in a Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations hearing which was chaired by Senator Levin, who said that he intends to keep the spotlight on credit card companies and that legislative action may be necessary to purge the industry.  In 2009, the C.A.R.D. Act was signed into law, enacting protections for many of the issues Levin had raised.

In the United States, some have called for Congress to enact additional regulations on the industry; to expand the disclosure box clearly disclosing rate hikes, use plain language, incorporate balance payoff disclosures, and also to outlaw universal default. At a congress hearing around March 1, 2007, Citibank announced it would no longer practice this, effective immediately. Opponents of such regulation argue that customers must become more proactive and self-responsible in evaluating and negotiating terms with credit providers. Some of the nation’s influential top credit card issuers, who are among the top fifty corporate contributors to political campaigns, successfully opposed it.

Hidden costs

In the United Kingdom, merchants won the right through The Credit Cards (Price Discrimination) Order 1990^[26] to charge customers different prices according to the payment method. As of 2007, the United Kingdom was one of the world’s most credit-card-intensive countries, with 2.4 credit cards per consumer, according to the UK Payments Administration Ltd.

In the United States, until 1984 federal law prohibited surcharges on card transactions. Although the federal Truth in Lending Act provisions that prohibited surcharges expired that year, a number of states have since enacted laws that continue to outlaw the practice; California, Colorado, Connecticut, Florida, Kansas, Massachusetts, Maine, New York, Oklahoma, and Texas have laws against surcharges. As of 2006, the United States probably had one of the world’s if not the top ratio of credit cards per capita, with 984 million bank-issued Visa and MasterCard credit card and debit card accounts alone for an adult population of roughly 220 million people.  The credit card per US capita ratio was nearly 4:1 as of 2003 and as high as 5:1 as of 2006.

Credit card numbering

Main article: Credit card number

The numbers found on credit cards have a certain amount of internal structure, and share a common numbering scheme.

The card number’s prefix, called the Bank Identification Number, is the sequence of digits at the beginning of the number that determine the bank to which a credit card number belongs. This is the first six digits for MasterCard and Visa cards. The next nine digits are the individual account number, and the final digit is a validity check code.

In addition to the main credit card number, credit cards also carry issue and expiration dates (given to the nearest month), as well as extra codes such as issue numbers and security codes. Not all credit cards have the same sets of extra codes nor do they use the same number of digits.

Credit cards in ATMs

Many credit cards can also be used in an ATM to withdraw money against the credit limit extended to the card, but many card issuers charge interest on cash advances before they do so on purchases. The interest on cash advances is commonly charged from the date the withdrawal is made, rather than the monthly billing date. Many card issuers levy a commission for cash withdrawals, even if the ATM belongs to the same bank as the card issuer. Merchants do not offer cashback on credit card transactions because they would pay a percentage commission of the additional cash amount to their bank or merchant services provider, thereby making it uneconomical.

Many credit card companies will also, when applying payments to a card, do so at the end of a billing cycle, and apply those payments to everything before cash advances. For this reason, many consumers have large cash balances, which have no grace period and incur interest at a rate that is (usually) higher than the purchase rate, and will carry those balance for years, even if they pay off their statement balance each month.

Credit cards as funding for entrepreneurs

Credit cards are a creative, yet often risky way for entrepreneurs to acquire capital for their start ups when more conventional financing is unavailable. It is rumoured that Larry Page and Sergey Brin‘s start up of Google was financed by credit cards to buy the necessary computers and office equipment, more specifically “a terabyte of hard disks“. Similarly, filmmaker Robert Townsend financed part of Hollywood Shuffle using credit cards.  Director Kevin Smith funded Clerks in part by maxing out several credit cards. Actor Richard Hatch also financed his production of Battlestar Galactica: The Second Coming partly through his credit cards. Famed hedge fund manager Bruce Kovner began his career (and, later on, his firm Caxton Associates) in financial markets by borrowing from his credit card. UK entrepreneur James Caan (as seen on Dragon’s Den) financed his first business using several credit cards.

Credit risk: Credit risk is the risk of loss due to a debtor’s non-payment of a loan or other line of credit (either the principal or interest (coupon) or both).

Faced by lenders to consumers

Main article: Consumer credit risk

Most lenders employ their own models (credit scorecards) to rank potential and existing customers according to risk, and then apply appropriate strategies. With products such as unsecured personal loans or mortgages, lenders charge a higher price for higher risk customers and vice versa. With revolving products such as credit cards and overdrafts, risk is controlled through the setting of credit limits. Some products also require security, most commonly in the form of property.

Faced by lenders to business

Lenders will trade off the cost/benefits of a loan according to its risks and the interest charged. But interest rates are not the only method to compensate for risk. Protective covenants are written into loan agreements that allow the lender some controls. These covenants may:

• limit the borrower’s ability to weaken their balance sheet voluntarily e.g., by buying back shares, or paying dividends, or borrowing further.
• allow for monitoring the debt requiring audits, and monthly reports
• allow the lender to decide when he can recall the loan based on specific events or when financial ratios like debt/equity, or interest coverage deteriorate.

A recent innovation to protect lenders and bond holders from the danger of default are credit derivatives, most commonly in the form of a credit default swap. These financial contracts allow companies to buy protection against defaults, from a third party, the protection seller. The protection seller receives a periodic fee (the credit spread) as compensation for the risk it takes, and in return it agrees to buy the debt should a credit event (“default”) occur.

Credit scoring models also form part of the framework used by banks or lending institutions grant credit to clients. For corporate and commercial borrowers, these models generally have qualitative and quantitative sections outlining various aspects of the risk including, but not limited to, operating experience, management expertise, asset quality, and leverage and liquidity ratios, respectively. Once this information has been fully reviewed by credit officers and credit committees, the lender provides the funds subject to the terms and conditions presented within the contact (as outlined above).

Faced by business

Companies carry credit risk when, for example, they do not demand up-front cash payment for products or services.  By delivering the product or service first and billing the customer later – if it’s a business customer the terms may be quoted as net 30 – the company is carrying a risk between the delivery and payment.

Significant resources and sophisticated programs are used to analyze and manage risk. Some companies run a credit risk department whose job is to assess the financial health of their customers, and extend credit (or not) accordingly. They may use in house programs to advise on avoiding, reducing and transferring risk. They also use third party provided intelligence. Companies like Standard & Poor’s, Moody’s,Fitch Ratings, and Dun and Bradstreet provide such information for a fee.

For example, a distributor selling its products to a troubled retailer may attempt to lessen credit risk by tightening payment terms to “net 15″, or by actually selling fewer products on credit to the retailer, or even cutting off credit entirely, and demanding payment in advance. Such strategies impact sales volume but reduce exposure to credit risk and subsequent payment defaults.

Credit risk is not really manageable for very small companies (i.e., those with only one or two customers). This makes these companies very vulnerable to defaults, or even payment delays by their customers.

The use of a collection agency is not really a tool to manage credit risk; rather, it is an extreme measure closer to a write down in that the creditor expects a below-agreed return after the collection agency takes its share (if it is able to get anything at all).

Faced by individuals

Consumers may face credit risk in a direct form as depositors at banks or as investors/lenders. They may also face credit risk when entering into standard commercial transactions by providing a deposit to their counterparty, e.g., for a large purchase or a real estate rental. Employees of any firm also depend on the firm’s ability to pay wages, and are exposed to the credit risk of their employer.

In some cases, governments recognize that an individual’s capacity to evaluate credit risk may be limited, and the risk may reduce economic efficiency; governments may enact various legal measures or mechanisms with the intention of protecting consumers against some of these risks. Bank deposits, notably, are insured in many countries (to some maximum amount) for individuals, effectively limiting their credit risk to banks and increasing their willingness to use the banking system.

Counterparty risk

Counterparty risk, otherwise known as default risk, is the risk that an organization does not pay out on a credit derivative, credit default swap, credit insurance contract, or other trade or transaction when it is supposed to.  Even organizations who think that they have hedged their bets by buying credit insurance of some sort still face the risk that the insurer will be unable to pay, either due to temporary liquidity issues or longer term systemic issues.

Large insurers are counterparties to many transactions, and thus this is the kind of risk that prompts financial regulators to act, e.g., the bailout of insurer AIG.

On the methodological side, counterparty risk can be affected by wrong way risk, namely the risk that different risk factors be correlated in the most harmful direction. Including correlation between the portfolio risk factors and the counterparty default into the methodology is not trivial, see for example Brigo and Pallavicini.

Sovereign risk

Sovereign risk is the risk of a government becoming unwilling or unable to meet its loan obligations, or reneging on loans it guarantees.  The existence of sovereign risk means that creditors should take a two-stage decision process when deciding to lend to a firm based in a foreign country. Firstly one should consider the sovereign risk quality of the country and then consider the firm’s credit quality.

Five macroeconomic variables that affect the probability of sovereign debt rescheduling are:

• Debt service ratio
• Import ratio
• Investment ratio
• Variance of export revenue
• Domestic money supply growth

The probability of rescheduling is an increasing function of debt service ratio, import ratio, variance of export revenue and domestic money supply growth. Frenkel, Karmann and Scholtens also argue that the likelihood of rescheduling is a decreasing function of investment ratio due to future economic productivity gains. Saunders argues that rescheduling can become more likely if the investment ratio rises as the foreign country could become less dependent on its external creditors and so be less concerned about receiving credit from these countries/investors.

Creditor: A creditor is a party (e.g. person, organization, company, or government) that has a claim to the services of a second party. It is a person or institution to whom money is owed.  The first party, in general, has provided some property or service to the second party under the assumption (usually enforced by contract) that the second party will return an equivalent property or service. The second party is frequently called a debtor or borrower. The first party is the creditor, which is the lender of property, service or money.

The term creditor is frequently used in the financial world, especially in reference to short term loans, long term bonds, and mortgages. In law, a person who has a money judgment entered in their favor by a court is called a judgment creditor.

The term creditor derives from the notion of credit. In modern America, credit refers to a rating which indicates the likelihood a borrower will pay back his or her loan. In earlier times, credit also referred to reputation or trustworthiness.

Accounting classification

In accounting presentation, creditors are to be broken down into ‘amounts falling due within one year’ or ‘amounts falling due after more than one year’…

The financial statements presentation is this:

• Long-term liabilities
  • ‘Long-term creditors’
  • Current liabilities
    • ‘Current creditors’

Creditors Power During Insolvency

Once an IVA has been applied for and is in place through the courts, creditors are prevented from making direct contact under the terms of the IVA. All ongoing correspondence of an IVA must first go through the Insolvency Practitioner. The Insolvency Practitioner will contact you. The creditors will begin to deal with the Insolvency Practitioner and readily accept annual reports when submitted.

Credit counseling: Credit counseling (known in the United Kingdom as debt counseling) is a process offering education to consumers about how to avoid incurring debts that cannot be repaid. This process is actually more debt counseling than a function of credit education.

Credit counseling often involves negotiating with creditors to establish a debt management plan (DMP) for a consumer. A DMP may help the debtor repay his or her debt by working out a repayment plan with the creditor. DMPs, set up by credit counselors, usually offer reduced payments, fees and interest rates to the client. Credit counselors refer to the terms dictated by the creditors to determine payments or interest reductions offered to consumers in a debt management plan.

Common features of Debt Management Programs

After joining a DMP, the creditors will close the customer’s accounts and restrict the accounts to future charges. The most common benefit of a DMP as advertised by most agencies is the consolidation of multiple monthly payments into one monthly payment, which is usually less than the sum of the individual payments previously paid by the customer. This is because credit cards banks will usually accept a lower monthly payment from a customer in a DMP than if the customer were paying the account on their own. Some DMPs advertise that payments can be cut by 50%, although a reduction of 10-20% is more common.

The second feature of a DMP is a reduction in interest rates charged by creditors. A customer with a defaulted credit card account will often be paying an interest rate approaching 30%. Upon joining a DMP, credit card banks sometimes lower the annual percentage rates charged to 5-10%, and a few eliminate interest altogether. This reduction in interest allows the counseling agencies to advertise that their customers will be debt free in periods of 3-6 years, rather than the 20+ years that it would take to pay off a large amount of debt at high interest rates.

A third benefit offered by credit counseling agencies is the process of bringing delinquent accounts current. This is often called “reaging” or “curing” an account. This usually occurs after making a series of on-time payments through the debt management program as a show of good faith and commitment to completion of the program. For example, a client with an account with a monthly payment of $50 which has not been paid in two months might be considered by the creditor to be 60 days past due. After joining the DMP and making three consecutive monthly payments, the creditor could reage the account to reflect a current status. Thereafter the monthly payment due on the statements would be the monthly payment negotiated by the DMP, and the account report as current to the credit bureaus. This process does not eliminate the prior delinquencies from the credit bureau reports. It merely gives a fresh start and an opportunity for the client to begin building a positive credit history. Like all derogatory credit information, the passage of time will lessen the impact of the negative marks when credit scores are calculated.

Many educational facilities have begun to incorporate credit practice into the curriculum. Schools have been incorporating the Charge Large Board Game. Players or students now learn and practice using credit paying-off in cash. The different level credit cards and upgrading system (in the Charge Large game) makes for an incentive for players to use their credit card and paying them off in full. It is said by 2011, the Charge Large Board Game will be in 70% of colleges practiced during orientation and in the classroom setting. In addition, by 2011, the Charge Large Board Game will be in 65% of high schools throughout the United States. Therefore, students receive credit counseling prior to receiving any form of credit.

History of credit counseling

The first credit counseling agencies were created in 1951 in the United States when credit grantors created The National Foundation for Credit Counseling, or NFCC. According to W. Patrick Boisclair, Chairman of the NFCC’s Board of Trustees, “the NFCC initially monitored legislative and regulatory activity for its retail credit members” and “also conducted public awareness campaigns on credit.”(source) Their stated objective was to promote financial literacy and help consumers avoid bankruptcy, but they did not serve as collection agencies for the creditors. The first local credit counseling franchises emerged in the 1960s, offering education and counseling directly to consumers.

In 1993, the “Association of Independent Consumer Credit Counseling Agencies,” or AICCCA, was founded, citing a need for “industry-wide standards of excellence and ethical conduct.” This formally organized the NFCC’s competition. The AICCCA was formed from the group of counselors who favored telephone delivery of debt management programs. The NFCC was, in the beginning, strongly opposed to this telephone business model, primarily favoring face-to-face counseling as a more effective solution. Eventually, all organizations practiced both phone and face-to-face processes with some agencies using large inbound call centers driven by mass media advertising.

The credit counseling industry’s third major trade organization is its largest: the American Association of Debt Management Organizations, or AADMO.

However, not all credit counseling agencies belong to a trade organization, nor are they required to do so; there are well over 1,000 active credit counseling organizations in the United States.

In 2005, the Bankruptcy Abuse Prevention and Consumer Protection Act of 2005 made credit counseling a requirement for consumer debtors filing for Bankruptcy in the United States. In order to meet this requirement, during the 180-day period preceding the filing of bankruptcy, the debtor must complete a program with an approved nonprofit budget and credit counseling agency. Such a program may include, but is not limited to, one counseling session conducted by phone or over the internet. In addition, a post-filing debtor education credit counseling session is required in order to complete the bankruptcy process and to have your debts discharged.

Credit Counseling is also a growing industry in Europe, both for profit-making debt management companies and charities such as Christians Against Poverty and the Consumer Credit Counselling Service, Britain’s largest debt advice charity.

Criticism of credit counseling (USA)

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the number of credit and debt counseling agencies in America increased significantly. An antitrust lawsuit was filed against the NFCC, arguing that the presence of creditors on the NFCC’s Board of Directors constituted monopolistic practices. As a result of this litigation, creditors agreed to fund non-NFCC member agencies as well.

These sharp increases of credit counseling activity also created other, more serious issues in the industry. By the early 1990s, abuses by certain credit counseling organizations were so significant, it led to criticism of the entire industry.

A credit counseling agency typically receives most of its compensation from the creditors to whom the debt payments are distributed. This funding relationship has led many to believe that credit counseling agencies are merely a collections wing of the creditors. This fee income, known as “Fair Share,” are contributions from the creditors that originally earned the agency 15% of the amount recovered. However, in recent years, Fair Share contributions have dwindled steadily, with contributions of 4-10% being the most common.

Still the NFCC considers bankcard companies to be one of their primary “constituents,” and the NFCC website promotes the fact that they collect $5 billion for creditors each year. It also promotes their efforts to steer consumers away from bankruptcy.

The Federal Trade Commission has filed lawsuits against several credit counseling agencies, and continues to urge caution in choosing a credit counseling agency. The FTC has received more than 8,000 complaints from consumers about credit counselors, many concerning high or hidden fees and the inability to opt out of so-called “voluntary” contributions. The Better Business Bureau also reports high complaint levels about credit counseling.

The IRS also has weighed in on the subject of credit counseling, and has denied nonprofit 501(c)(3) tax-exempt status to around 30 of the nation’s 1000 credit counseling agencies. Those 30 credit counseling agencies account for more than half of the industry’s revenue. Audits of non-profit credit counseling agencies by the IRS are ongoing.

The lobby against credit counselors, who are paid by the credit companies huge lobbing effort, want to get rid of Non Profit credit counseling agencies. The IRS apparently agrees as the are under the control of congress who’s members receive huge “donations” from the credit card lobby groups. The tax exempt revocations seem to be centered around whether a tax exempt credit counselor actually performed their mandated mission by assisting the community at large, other than their whole attention to their own DMP customers in a “collection practice” (no one knows for sure however).

Congress has also investigated the credit counseling industry, and issued a report that said while some agencies are ethical, others charge excessive fees and provide poor service to consumers. The report also stated that NFCC member guidelines, if applied to the entire credit counseling industry, would go a long way toward eliminating the abuses they uncovered in some parts of the industry.

Other organizations have voiced criticisms of the credit counseling industry, often citing the Fair Share funding model as evidence that credit counselors serve the interests of the creditors over the interests of consumers, and that credit counselors are not forthcoming in speaking out about the actions of creditors for fear of losing what little funding remains. Credit counselors respond that their job is not to take sides but to negotiate with all parties equally to help successfully resolve debts. They further argue that the steady decline in Fair Share funding belies the notion that creditors are in control of the credit counseling industry.

Another common criticism of credit counseling is the assertion that participating in a Debt Management Plan will ruin a consumer’s credit. Fair Isaac Corporation, the company that pioneered the use of credit scores, states that participation in a Debt Management Plan has no effect on a consumer’s FICO credit score. However, the participation in such a plan may appear on consumer credit reports, and the client may have more difficulty obtaining a car or home loan and be denied any further unsecured credit, such as a credit card. This is because lenders often use multiple risk factors to determine creditworthiness. The major factor holding consumers back is the amount of debt they have relative to their income (the debt to income ratio) and not enrollment in a credit counseling plan. While credit card banks offering relatively low-credit-line cards may use a credit score alone to approve a new account, a mortgage or car lender typically will scrutinize the entire credit report more extensively and verify employment and income information. Some lenders view a prospective customer’s participation in a Debt Management Plan as indicative of the customer being unfit to manage their finances.

Additionally, mortgage loans backed by federal programs such as HUD or FHA have additional government underwriting guidelines in addition to the lender’s own policies. HUD/FHA states their position on credit counseling is neutral and that a factor they will consider is whether the client has been adhering to the payment plan initially established through the credit counseling agency.^[1] The FHA recommends credit counseling programs to those who fear being denied a mortgage loan due to credit approval.^[2]

Counseling agencies have also been criticized for understating their clients’ future responsibilities during the initial enrollment process. Agencies have been accused of telling clients to stop paying creditors directly and to then keep the first payment made by the client into the DMP to cover fees. This can result in accounts being charged off during the period that the client transitions into the DMP. Many clients come to the DMP with current accounts; they are simply seeking lower interest rates rather than needing help bringing their accounts current. Since a DMP is designed for consumers who are having trouble meeting obligations it is usually the case that any consumer joining a DMP already has past due accounts. For consumers who do not have past due accounts they must be aware that creditors will carry them past due since that creditor is giving the consumer a concession on the amount of interest charged. In this way a client’s credit can be damaged as the accounts unintentionally fall past due.

Given this criticism, the industry is likely to be changed forever in the immediate future as it is scrutinized by both the consumer and government regulators over how they will be paid for the services they perform. In meantime, there will be no shortage of debt-burdened consumers who will now be facing a burgeoning, and more traditional, collection industry.

Many credit counseling services employ people hired off the street who are then trained in credit counseling. Thus the person helping you may not have any formal training in financial management other than what they received when they got hired as a credit counselor. This training is usually minimal and focused only on the services provided rather than a full course on financial management.^{[citation needed]}

Cautions regarding credit counseling (Canada)

The Financial Consumer Agency of Canada (FCAC) advises Canadians to do their homework about credit counseling services before entering into an agreement. According to the Agency, consumers should shop around and compare services of credit counseling bodies and take note of the different fee structures of for-profit and not-for-profit credit counseling, as well as what services are offered for those fees. Consumers considering entering into a DMP should also be aware that an R7 credit rating will be entered in their credit report and that their credit report will show that they used credit counseling, a notation that will remain on the report for at least two to three years. Prospective lenders, employers and landlords may view information in an individual’s credit report, if the application forms consumers sign grant them permission to do so.

Credit enhancement: Credit enhancement is a key part of the securitization transaction in structured finance, and is important for credit rating agencies when rating a securitization. The credit crisis of 2007-2008 has discredited the process of credit enhancement of structured securities as a financial practice as the risk was not assessed correctly and defaults began to rise. If the credit rating was properly assessed and higher interest rates assigned to structured securities, then the crisis may have been averted.

Types of Credit Enhancement

There are two primary types of Credit Enhancement: Internal and External.

Internal Credit Enhancement

Excess spread

The excess spread is the difference between the interest rate received on the underlying collateral and the coupon on the issued security. It is typically one of the first defenses against loss. Even if some of the underlying loan payments are late or default, the coupon payment can still be made. In the process of “turboing”, excess spread is applied to outstanding classes as principal.

Overcollateralization

Overcollateralization (OC) is a commonly used form of credit enhancement. With this support structure, the face value of the underlying loan portfolio is larger than the security it backs, thus the issued security is over collateralized. In this manner, even if some of the payments from the underlying loans are late or default, principal and interest payments on the asset-backed security (ABS) can still be made.

In the mortgage market the over collateralized loans might not work well in case the value of the collateral kept as part of the loan that is the real estate itself starts depreciating in value. This is particularly seen in the developed economies or economies where there is excess supply of the finished products in the form of real estate than the demand for the same. It was observed in the USA in 2007-08 with declining value of the real estate particularly in California and some southern states, where the overcollateralization was reversed and the risk passed on to the insurers, guarantors and the re-sellers of the same risk.

Reserve account

A reserve account is created to reimburse the issuing trust for losses up to the amount allocated for the reserve. To increase credit support, the reserve account will often be non-declining throughout the life of the security, meaning that the account will increase proportionally up to some specified level as the outstanding debt is paid off.

External Credit Enhancement

Surety bonds

Main article: Surety bond

Surety bonds are insurance policies that reimburse the ABS for any losses. They are external forms of credit enhancement. ABS paired with surety bonds have ratings that are the same as that of the surety bond’s issuer.  By law, surety companies cannot provide a bond as a form of a credit enhancement guarantee.

Wrapped Securities

A wrapped security is insured or guaranteed by a third party. A third party or, in some cases, the parent company of the ABS issuer may provide a promise to reimburse the trust for losses up to a specified amount. Deals can also include agreements to advance principal and interest or to buy back any defaulted loans. The third-party guarantees are typically provided by AAA-rated financial guarantors or monoline insurance companies.

Letter of credit

Main article: Letter of credit

With a letter of credit (LOC), a financial institution — usually a bank — is paid a fee to provide a specified cash amount to reimburse the ABS-issuing trust for any cash shortfalls from the collateral, up to the required credit support amount. Letters of credit are becoming less common forms of credit enhancement, as much of their appeal was lost when the rating agencies downgraded the long-term debt of several LOC-provider banks in the early 1990s. Because securities enhanced with LOCs from these lenders faced possible downgrades as well, issuers began to utilize cash collateral accounts instead of LOCs in cases where external credit support was needed.

Cash collateral account

With a cash collateral account (CCA), credit enhancement is achieved when the issuer borrows the required credit support amount from a commercial bank and then deposits this cash in short-term commercial paper that has the highest available credit quality. Because a CCA is an actual deposit of cash, a downgrade of the CCA provider would not result in a similar downgrade of the security.

Credit spread (bond): In finance, a credit spread is the yield spread, or difference in yield between different securities, due to different credit quality. The credit spread reflects the additional net yield an investor can earn from a security with more credit risk relative to one with less credit risk. The credit spread of a particular security is often quoted in relation to the yield on a credit risk-free benchmark security or reference rate.

There are several measures of credit spread, including Z-spread and option-adjusted spread.

Credit spread (options): In finance, a credit spread, or net credit spread, involves a purchase of one option and a sale of another option in the same class and expiration but different strike prices. Investors receive a net credit for entering the position, and want the spreads to narrow or expire for profit. In contrast, an investor would have to pay to enter a debit spread.

Credit spread options

One uses a credit spread as a conservative strategy designed to earn modest income for the trader while also having losses strictly limited. It involves simultaneously buying and selling (writing) options on the same security/index in the same month, but at different strike prices. (This is also a vertical spread)

If the trader is BEARISH (expects prices to fall), you use a bearish call spread. It’s named this way because you’re buying and selling a call and taking a bearish position.

Look at the following example.

Trader Joe expects XYZ to fall from its current price of $35 a share.

Write 10 January 36 calls at 1.10 $1100
Buy 10 January 37 calls at .75    ($ 750)

NET CREDIT                             $350
Consider the following scenarios:

The stock falls or remains BELOW $36 by expiration. In this case all the options expire worthless and the trader keeps the net credit of $350 minus commissions (probably about $20 on this transaction) netting approx $330 profit.

If the stock rises above $37 by expiration, you must unwind the position by buying the 36 calls BACK, and selling the 37 calls you bought; this difference will be $1, the difference in strike prices. For all ten calls this costs you $1000; when you subtract the $350 credit, this gives you a MAXIMUM Loss of $650.

If the final price was between 36 and 37 your losses would be less or your gains would be less. The “breakeven” stock price would be $36.35: the lower strike price plus the credit for the money you received up front.

Traders often using charting software and technical analysis to find stocks that are OVERBOUGHT (have run up in price and are likely to sell off a bit, or stagnate) as candidates for bearish call spreads.

If the trader is BULLISH, you set up a bullish credit spread using puts. Look at the following example.

Trader Joe expects XYZ to rally sharply from its current price of $20 a share.

Write 10 January 19 puts at $0.75 $750
Buy 10 January 18 puts at $.40 ($400)

NET CREDIT                             $350

Consider the following scenarios:

If the stock price stays the same or rises sharply, both puts expire worthless and you keep your $350, minus commissions of about $20 or so.

If the stock price instead, falls to below 18 say, to $15, you must unwind the position by buying back the $19 puts at $4 and selling back the 18 puts at $3 for a $1 difference, costing you $1000. Minus the $350 credit, your maximum loss is $650.

A final stock price between $18 and $19 would provide you with a smaller loss or smaller gain; the breakeven stock price is $18.65, which is the higher strike price minus the credit.

Traders often scan price charts and use technical analysis to find stocks that are OVERSOLD (have fllen sharply in price and perhaps due for a rebound) as candidates for bullish put spreads.

NOTICE IN BOTH cases the losses and gains are strictly limited. This is a nice strategy for earning a modest amount of income from a portfolio that can be used to supplement your wages, dividends, or social security payments as long as you’re aware of the limits.

Breakeven

To find the credit spread breakeven points for call spreads, the net premium is added to the lower strike price. For put spreads, the net premium is subtracted from the higher strike price to breakeven.

Most brokers will let you engage in these limited risk / limited reward trades.

Maximum potential

The maximum gain and loss potential are the same for call and put spreads. Note that net credit = difference in premiums.

Maximum gain

Maximum gain = net credit, realized when both options expire.

Maximum loss

Maximum loss = difference in strike prices – net credit.

Analysis

Credit spreads are negative vega since, if the price of the underlying doesn’t change, the trader will tend to make money as volatility goes down. They are also negative rho in that, if the price of the underlying doesn’t change, the trader will tend to make money just by the passage of time.

Current assets: In accounting, a current asset is an asset on the balance sheet which is expected to be sold or otherwise used up in the near future, usually within one year, or one business cycle – whichever is longer. Typical current assets include cash, cash equivalents, accounts receivable, inventory, the portion of prepaid accounts which will be used within a year, and short-term investments.

On the balance sheet, assets will typically be classified into current assets and long-term assets.

The current ratio is calculated by dividing total current assets by total current liabilities. It is frequently used as an indicator of a company’s liquidity, its ability to meet short-term obligations.
Current liabilities: In finance, current liabilities are considered liabilities of the business that are to be settled in cash within the fiscal year or the operating cycle, whichever period is longer.

For example, accounts payable for goods, services or supplies that were purchased for use in the operation of the business and payable within a normal period of time would be current liabilities.

Bonds, mortgages and loans that are payable over a term exceeding one year would be fixed liabilities or long-term liabilities. However, the payments due on the long-term loans in the current fiscal year could be considered current liabilities if the amounts were material.

The proper classification of liabilities is essential when considering a true picture of an organization’s fiscal health.

CUSIP: The acronym CUSIP typically refers to both the Committee on Uniform Security Identification Procedures and the 9-character alphanumeric security identifiers that they distribute for all North American securities for the purposes of facilitating clearing and settlement of trades. The CUSIP distribution system is owned by the American Bankers Association and is operated by Standard & Poor’s. The CUSIP Service Bureau acts as the National Numbering Association (NNA) for North America, and the CUSIP serves as the National Securities Identification Number for products issued from both the United States and Canada.

In the 1980s there was an attempt to expand the CUSIP system for international securities as well. The resulting CINS (CUSIP International Numbering System) has seen little use as it was introduced at about the same time as the truly international ISIN system. CINS identifiers do appear in the ISIDPlus directory, however.

Description

The first six characters are known as the base (or CUSIP-6), and uniquely identify the issuer. Issuer codes are assigned alphabetically from a series that includes deliberate built-in “gaps” for future expansion. The 7th and 8th digit identify the exact issue. The 9th digit is an automatically generated checksum (some clearing bodies ignore or truncate the last digit). The last three characters of the issuer code can be letters, in order to provide more room for expansion.

Issuer numbers 990 to 999 and 99A to 99Z in each group of 1,000 numbers are reserved for internal use. This permits a user to assign an issuer number to any issuer which might be relevant to his holdings but which does not qualify for coverage under the CUSIP numbering system. Other issuer numbers (990000 to 999999 and 99000A to 99999Z) are also reserved for the user so that they may be assigned to non-security assets or to number miscellaneous internal assets.

The 7th and 8th digit identify the exact issue, the format being dependent on the type of security. In general, numbers are used for equities and letters are used for fixed income. For commercial paper the first issue character is generated by taking the letter code of the maturity month, the second issue character is the day of the maturity date, with letters used for numbers over 9. The first security issued by any particular issuer is numbered “10″. Newer issues are numbered by adding ten to the last used number up to 80, at which point the next issue is “88″ and then goes down by tens. The issue number “01″ is used to label all options on equities from that issuer.

Fixed income issues are labeled using a similar fashion, but due to there being so many of them they use letters instead of digits. The first issue is labeled “AA”, the next “A2″, then “2A” and onto “A3″. To avoid confusion, the letters I and O are not used since they might be mistaken for the digits 1 and 0.

The 9th digit is an automatically generated check digit using the “Modulus 10 Double Add Double” technique.  To calculate the check digit every second digit is multiplied by two. Letters are converted to numbers by adding their ordinal position in the alphabet to 9, such that A = 10 and M = 22. The resulting string of digits (numbers greater than 10 becoming two separate digits) are added up. The ten’s-complement of the last number is the check digit. In other words, the sum of the digits, including the check-digit, is a multiple of 10. Some clearing bodies ignore or truncate the last digit.

NOTE: In addition to digits 0-9 and letters A-Z, three characters *, @, and # may also be used for private placements (Private Placement Number, PPN). These numbers are issued by the CUSIP Service Bureau and are normally treated as if they were CUSIPs. When calculating the check digit for such issues, use the numeric values of * = 36, @ = 37, and # = 38.

CINS adds a single country code letter to be the beginning of an otherwise similar CUSIP. These are not standard country codes, for instance Norway is “R”. A table of the country codes appears on the CUSIP web site.

Examples

Apple Inc: 037833100

The low-numbered issuer number, 037833, is a side effect of the company name starting with the letter “A”. Their stock is the first issue they released, and is thus numbered “10″.

The check digit is calculated by first collecting the digits occupying the odd- and even-numbered places in the CUSIP, converting any letters to numbers if need be (not in this case):

(0, 7, 3, 1), (3, 8, 3, 0)

The second set is then multiplied by two:

(6, 16, 6, 0)

The individual digits are then added together:

(0 + 7 + 3 + 1) + (6 + (1 + 6) + 6 + 0) = 30

The check digit is the ten’s complement of the last digit of 30, which is 0, so the check digit is 0. The ten’s complement of a digit is the result of subtracting that digit from 10, except that the ten’s complement of 0 is 0.

Wal-Mart: 931142103

Similar to the Apple example, but with a name appearing near the end of the dictionary. The check digit is (9 + 1 + 4 + 1) + (6 + 2 + 4 + 0) = 27, the ten’s complement of 7 is 3.

US Treasury Note: 912827XN7

Here we have a combination of letters and numbers. The letters A to Z have the values 10 to 35, so X is 33 and N is 23. The check digit is (9 + 2 + 2 + (3 + 3)) + (2 + (1 + 6) + (1 + 4) + (4 + 6)) = 43, the ten’s complement of 3 is 7.

Custodian bank: A custodian bank, or simply custodian, is a financial institution responsible for safeguarding a firm’s or individual’s financial assets. The role of a custodian in such a case would be the following: to hold in safekeeping assets such as equities and bonds, arrange settlement of any purchases and sales of such securities, collect information on and income from such assets (dividends in the case of equities and coupons in the case of bonds), provide information on the underlying companies and their annual general meetings, manage cash transactions, perform foreign exchange transactions where required and provide regular reporting on all their activities to their clients. Custodian banks are often referred to as global custodians if they hold assets for their clients in multiple jurisdictions around the world, using their own local branches or other local custodian banks in each market to hold accounts for their underlying clients. Assets held in such a manner are typically owned by pension funds.